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Part I. 

No. XLV. 

ISSUED FOR 1 9 19. 








Sir Albert Gray, K.C.B., K.C., President. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Belhaven and Stenton, Vice- 

The Right Hon. The Lord Peckover of Wisbech, Vice- 

Admiral of the Fleet The Right Hon. Sir Edward Hobart 
Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., Vice-President. 

Bolton Glanvill Corney, Esq., I.S.O. 

M. Longworth Dames, Esq. 

William Foster, Esq., CLE. 

F. H. H. Guillemard, M.D. 

Edward Heawood, Esq., Treasurer. 

Arthur R. Hinks, Esq., F.R.S. 

Sir John F. F. Horner, K.C.V.O. 

Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., K.B.E., C.B. 

Sir John Scott Keltie, LL.D. 

LiEUT.-CoLONEL Sir Frederic G. Kenyon, K.C.B.. P.B.A., 

Sir Charles Lucas, K.C.B., K.C.M.G. 

Alfred P. Maudslay, D.Sc. 

Lieut. -Colonel Right Hon. Sir Matthew Nathan, G.C.M.G., 

H. R. Tedder, Esq. 

Lieut. -Colonel Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., C.B., 
CLE., F.S.A. 

Sir Basil Home Thomson, K.C.B. 

Sir Reginald Tower, K.C.M.G., C.V.O. 

J. A. J. DE ViLLiERS, Esq., Hon. Secretary. 






C.B., CLE., F.S.A. 


Vol. III. 



Part I. 

Travels in England, Western India, Achin, 

Macao, and the Canton River, 







HE third section of Peter Mundy's manu- 
script takes the reader half-way round the 
world and provides unique and interesting 
information, especially as regards China 
and Madagascar. 
The transcript, as before, is taken from MS. Rawl. A. 
315, at the Bodleian Library. The only other copies of 
this portion of the work that are known to exist are those 
at the British Museum and the India Office, both of 
which were made in the nineteenth century. The former 
of these. Add. MSS. 19281, fol. i — 213, contains only 
Relations XXI — XXVI and has no illustrations. The 
latter, presented to the India Office in 1814, was made 
from the Bodleian MS. and contains careful tracings of 
all the illustrations. 

No change has been made in this volume in the system 
of spelling and punctuation adopted in its predecessors. 
Marginal notes, when not repeated in the text, have been 
used, as in Vol. 11, for paragraph headings. 

So far as I am aware, beyond the references in Mr 
Foster's English Factories, Mundy's narrative of his China 
voyage as a factor in Weddell's ill-fated expedition 
financed by Sir William Courteen, has received no serious 
attention from an}^ author except Mr James Bromley 
Eames {The English in China) who, however, does not seem 
to have consulted the original MS. or was dependent on 
an inaccurate copyist for his extracts. 


The portion of the manuscript now printed contains 
brief Chinese and Malagasy vocabularies and a short list 
of Japanese numerals and phrases. Professor H. A. Giles 
finds the Chinese characters " curious, chiefly because 
they are identifiable as actual and not bogus words, taken 
down on the spot by a bona-fide traveller." They have 
not, however, been reproduced because the volume has 
already swelled to much greater proportions than was 
anticipated, and also because " there is nothing to be 
learnt from them as regards development of script." 
The Malagasy vocabulary has been printed as it stands, 
with Archdeacon Cory's elucidation in many cases. 
Mundy's rendering of the Japanese numerals, etc., for 
which he gives no characters, has also been reproduced, 
with Sir Ernest Satow's observations. 

A word or two is necessary with regard to the extra- 
neous matter introduced into the text and used in the 
Appendices. This is drawn from six sources. 

1. Public Record Office MSS. (a) The official account 
of the voyage of Weddell's fleet from 14th April 1636 to 
6th April 1637 {State Papers, Dom. Chas. I. cccli, No. 30), 
probably the work of the two Mountneys and Thomas 
Robinson. It has been used to supply gaps in Mundy's 
narrative or to elucidate his remarks. There is a 
duplicate copy at the Bodleian Library among the 
papers comprised in MS. Rawl. A. 399. {h) The official 
papers of appointment issued to the leaders of Courteen's 
venture (CO. 77/6). The most important of these have 
been printed in Appendix A. 

2. The continuation of the voyage of Weddell's fleet, 
from 6th April 1637 to 4th February 1638 {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii), preserved at the India Office. This MS. 
has been used by Staunton, Bruce, Eames and other 
writers who have dealt with Weddell's expedition, and 


in the present volume has been employed for the purposes 
above stated. 

3. Captain John Weddell's own account of the ex- 
pedition {O.C. 1662, also preserved at the India Office), 
which supplies details not given in the other accounts. 
This and the two official narratives have been calendared 
(see Calendar of State Papers, Dom. and English Factories), 
but have nowhere been printed in extenso. 

4. The series which I have called Courteen Papers, 
a set of documents preserved at the Bodleian Library 
{MS. Rawl. A. 399), containing an incomplete record of 
the transactions of Courteen's merchants during the China 
voyage. The most important among them is the letter 
summarising the result of the expedition up to the time 
when the fleet sailed from Macao. It is printed in fuU 
in Appendix D. 

5. Hague Transcripts. These have been employed 
for additional accounts of the naval skirmish off Goa in 
January 1637 and for the altercation that occurred off 
Malacca in January 1638. The translations at the India 
Office have been used for the purpose. 

6. Lisbon Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, being 
copies from the Lisbon Archives, made for the India 
Office. This series has been drawn upon to a great extent, 
for it helps to illustrate and explain the Portuguese 
attitude towards the English at Macao and supplies 
reasons for the treatment experienced by Courteen's 
merchants while in China. The translations of all 
documents given in full have been made by Miss Leonora 
de Alberti, since the existing translations were found 
inadequate for the purpose. The style is verbose and 
often confused, and the want of punctuation and the 
impossibility of referring to the originals made the 
decipherment of some of the more obscure passages 


extremely difficult. The translator has, however, given 
a readable rendering in almost every instance. 

My personal knowledge of many of the places visited 
by the author has lightened the task of editing, but the 
wide scope of the present volume and the varied subjects 
touched on by Mundy have necessitated reference to a 
large number of authorities for help in the solution of 
conundrums. In every case the assistance of scholars 
and specialists has been most generously given and I have 
endeavoured to acknowledge my indebtedness in each 
instance in the notes to the text. I desire, however, to 
offer my special thanks to the following. To Mr William 
Foster, who, as ever, willingly placed at my disposal 
his own notes collected during his exhaustive researches 
among the East India Company's Records and has spared 
no pains in pointing out fresh sources of information ; 
to Lt-Colonel Sir David Prain and his staff at Kew for 
the identification of the numerous trees and plants ap- 
pearing under many strange names and descriptions ; 
to Mr W. L. Sclater for similar invaluable help with the 
birds of the various countries visited ; and to Lieut. - 
Com. G. T. Temple, R.N., for assistance with nautical 
terms throughout the volume. Further, I desire to 
express my gratitude to Mr C. Otto Blagden, Sir Ernest 
Satow, Professor H. A. Giles, Mr Lionel C. Hopkins and 
Mr M. C. Jame for special help with Malay subjects, 
Japanese and Chinese puzzles. Mr Jame was so kind 
as to personally inspect Mundy's drawings and give me 
the Cantonese equivalents of his descriptions. For 
Madagascar I had the advantage of the assistance of 
Archdeacon Cory, to whose knowledge of the language 
and the country the notes in Relation xxix owe their 
value. To this section also Dr Boulenger and his 
colleagues at the British Museum (Natural History) 


contributed by identifying Mundy's illustrations of the 
fishes he saw while in Madagascar. 

The transcript of the MS. is the work of Miss E. G 
Parker, whose care and accurac}^ leave nothing to be 
desired. The copies of documents at the Public Record 
Office and the research there and at the British Museum 
were undertaken by Miss A. J. Mayes, and the genealogical 
inquiries at Somerset House by her sister Miss W. M. Mayes, 
to both of whom I am indebted for their unfailing interest 
and conscientious work. 

Once again my acknowledgments are due to the 
officials at the India Office, who have, as before, granted 
me every facility for research. I also desire to thank 
Messrs Harrison and Sons for care in printing. 

I cannot close this Preface without once again ex- 
pressing m}^ gratitude to Miss L. M. Anstey, who has now 
been working with me for twenty years, and to whose 
ever increasing knowledge of the MSS. available in 
England for Oriental research, what value this volume 
may prove to have for the student of early English travels 
is largely due. 


The Nash, 

May 1919. 



Glasney College. 

p. Ixxiv. Mr. Percy Dryden Mundy informs me that " Glaseney * 
College, of which Mundy 's grandfather was a pre- 
. centor, was not a monastery but a college composed 
of secular canons. See Thurston C. Peter, History 
of Glasney Collegiate Church. 

Onildhy River, 
p. 12, n. 7. Onitahy river, Madagascar, should be Onildhy river» 

" Setebundra Messer." 

p. 115, n. 3. For the note as printed, substitute — Mundy meant 
by this expression Setebund Ramesser, i.e., Sltaband 
Rameshwar, the well-known pilgrimage temple on 
Adam's Bridge between India and Ceylon. 

Musk catts : Paratt with a home. 

p. 307. Mr. A. R. Bonus points out that I have wrongly identified 
both the above. Mundy 's " Musk catts " were 
civet-cats (see vol. iii. p. 99) and his " Paratt with a 
home on his head " was a species of hornbill. 


p. 310. This word was incorrectly transcribed and should be 
" Sunnee," usually explained as a gold mohar and 
derived from sond, gold. But if the old writers meant 
sum, they would have written ' ' soonee ' ' or something 
similar, and if " sunnee " was a common term for 
the gold mohar 300 years ago, it is odd that no form 
like soni, sohani, sunt, sunnt, is to be found now. 
The more reasonable explanation seems to be that 
sani, sanhi, saniyd, sanhiyd, were vernacular forms 
meaning a dated mohar (from san, sanh, a year), one 
which deteriorated in value as the date became old, 
as in the case of sanat or dated (sonaut) rupees. 
Hence the importance of rapid sale as is shown by 
the following quotations : — 

6 Feb. 1628. " ' Sunneas ' are not worth above Rs. 

13 each " {English Factories, 1624 — 1629, p. 235). 
16 March 1628. " Cannot get rid of the 'sunneas' 

sent up, except at a loss " {Ibid., p. 270). 
4 J'i^ly 1636. " Have sent ... 30 ' sunnees ' for 

trial " (ibid., 1634 — 1636, p. 272), 



Addenda to Vol. II. 




xvii — 1 

Relation XX. .... ... i — 18 

Mundy leaves the E.l. Go's service, i. Visits the 
Tradescant Museum, Tower of London, &c., 
I- — 4. Visits Torbay, Weymouth, Portland, 
Dorchester, Maiden Castle, Basing House, 
Winchester, 4 — 13. Joins the Courteen Associa- 
tion, 13 — 14. The Sovereign of the Seas on the 
stocks, 15 — 16. St. Paul's Cathedral, 16 — 17. 
Wreck of the An7^ Royal, 17 — 18, 

Relation XXI . 19 — 68 

Weddell's fleet, 19 — 23. From the Downs to the 
Comoros, 23 — 32. The Mary at Johanna, 33. 
Piracy of the Samaritan and Roebuck, 34- — 35. 
Description of Johanna, 36 — 42. From Johanna 
to Goa, 42 — 44. Weddell's fleet at Goa, 44 — 51. 
Naval engagement between the Portuguese and 
Dutch, 52 — 53. Description of Goa, 53^ — 63. 
Coins, weights and measures, 64 — 66. Letter 
from the Viceroy of Goa, 67-^68. 

Relation XXII. 69 — 107 

From Goa to Bhatkal, 69 — 71. Proceedings at 
Bhatkal, 71 — 75. Mundy goes to Ikkeri, a 
contract made with the Nayak, 75 — 93. Mor- 
tality in the fleet, 94. A factory established at 
Bhatkal, 94 — 96. Description of Bhatkal, 96 — 
loi. Coins, weights and measures, loi — 102. 
Vernworthy's Commission, 103 — 105. Letter 
from the Viceroy of Goa, 105 — 107. 



Relation XXIII. ....... io8 — 137 

From Bhatkal to Achin, 108 — 115. Proceedings at 
Achin, 115 — 120. Bakar'id, 121 — 125. Fight- 
ing of elephants, 126— 131. Description of 
Achin, 132 — 135. Coins, weights and measures, 

Relation XXIV . 138—182 

FroiTi Achin to Malacca, 138 — 140. Remarks on 
Malacca, 140 — 144. Coins, weights and measures, 
145. Straits of Singapore, 146 — 148. From 
Singapore to Macao, 148 — 158. Reception of 
Weddell's fleet at Macao, 158 — 161. The Jesuit 
College, 162- — 164. Macao, 165. The Portuguese 
obstruct Courteen's merchants, 165 — 174. The 
cruise of the Anne in the Canton River, 175 — 180. 
The fleet leaves Macao, 181 — -182. 

Relation XXV. . . . . . . 183 — 234 

The fleet sails up the Canton River to Anung-hoi Point, 
183 — 189. Pagodas, 190 — 195. Skirmishes with 
the Chinese, 196 — 202. Junks, 203 — 206. Nego- 
tiations with the Chinese through Pablo Noretti, 
206 — 216. The Mountneys and T. Robinson 
go up to Canton, 217 — 218. Methods of fishing, 
219 — 220. A protest from Macao, 221 — 226. An 
attempt to burn the fleet, 227 — 233. Mundy's 
estimate of distance travelled, 234. 

Relation XXVI 235 — 316 

Weddell makes reprisals on the Chinese, 235 — 240. A 
protest sent to Macao, 241 — 246. The Portuguese 
treat with the English, 246- — 250. A Spanish 
galleon from Manila, 251. Chocolate, 252. 
Weddell goes to Macao, 253 — 256. Chinese 
costumes, 256 — 262. Inhabitants of Macao, 262 
— 263, 269 — 270. Undertaking by the English, 
264. Recreations at Macao, 265 — 267. Goldfish, 
267 — 268. Japanese at Macao, 271 — 272. 
Dramatic representations, 273 — 275. Ex- 
periences of Courteen's merchants at Canton, 
276 — 287. Undertaking by the English, 288 — 289. 
Mundy's unfulfilled desire to circumnavigate 
the globe, 290 — 292. Remarks on Macao, 293 — 
295. The Japanese language, 296. Domingos 
da Camara enraged against the Enghsh, 297 — 300. 
Religion in China, 301 — 302. Commodities of 
China, 303 — 308. Coins, weights and measures, 
309 — 3TT. Chinese characters, 312 — 316. 




No. I. 

A Scale of Armes . . . , . 

p. 20 

No. 2. 

A Suckinge Fishe . . ■ . 

To face p. 26 

No. 3. 

Strange Sea Snailes . . . . 


No. 4. 

A Cataracke of Water . . . . 


No. 5. 

A straunge Foule . . . . . 


No. 6. 

Cajoora [Cashew] Fruit . . . . 

P- 57 

No. 7. 

A straunge Fowle [at Goa] 

To face p. 26 

No. 8. 

A bird with a very long slender taile 


No. 9. 

A Pepper Garden . . . . . 


No. 10. 



No. II. 

A Strange Office . . . . . 


No. 12. 

The cheifest Image of their Pagodes 


No. 13. 

A High Stone Pillar . . . . 


No. 14. 

Swinging Cottes .... 


No. 15. 

Straung Ragged Land . 


No. 16. 

A High Rocke . . . . . 


No. 17. 

Buckree Eede [at Achin] 


No. 18. 

Fighting of Elephants . 


No. ig. 

Houses att Achein 


No. 20. 

Prowes of greatt Swifftnesse . 


No. 21. 

An Orancay : An Achein Woman : A 

Durion ..... 


No. 22. 

A Mallacca Woman with a broad Hatte . 


No. 23. 

Pretty boates 


No. 24. 

Monstrous Scallop Shells 


No. 25. 

La Varella ..... 


No. 26. 

A Leicheea ..... 


No. 27. 

Macao ...... 


No. 28. 

A Chinaman eating with Chopstickes 


No. 29. 

Juncksetts [and other] China Vessels 

,. 203 

No. 30. 

Sundry habits of Chinois 

„ 256 

No. 31. 

China Women .... 


No. 32. 

A Japonian : A Chinese making hii 

Salutation .... 

.. 270 

No. 33. 

Fat Hogges 


No. 34. 

Pretty Orenges .... 


No. 35. 

Strange Crabbes .... 


No. 36. 

An Invention to Cast Accompts 




Mundy's route to India, 1636 — 1637 ; route from 

Bhatkal to Ikkeri To face p. 112. 

Mundy's route, from Achin to Pulo Condore, and 
vice versa, 1637 — 1638 ; Old and New 
Straits of Singapore . . . . ,, 153 

Mundy's route, from Pulo Condore to Macao and 

vice versa, 1637 — 1638 .... ,, 157 

Macao and the Canton River, 1637 ... ,, 161 

Macao and the Taipa Anchorage, 1637 ... „ 169 

The Boca Tigris, 1637 ; The First Bar, 1637 . „ 209 


IN overland journey from Constantinople to 
London in 1620, the conduct of a caravan 
from Agra to Patna in 1632, not to speak of 
the voyages connected with such expeditions, 
would have afforded sufficient excitement for 
a lifetime to the ordinary individual. Not so with our 
author. The more he travelled the keener became his 
thirst for knowledge and his desire to extend it. He had, 
of necessity, to make a living, but the thought of gain 
was subsidiary to his ruling passion, which by this time 
had, as he says, become " somewhatt Naturall unto 
mee." Hence, in this volume we find him seeking fresh 
fields for his energies, and braving perils by land and 
sea in pursuit of his aim. 

At the close of vol. 11. we left Mundy in London, in 
November 1634, preparing to rejoin his relatives after 
an absence of seven years. While closing his accounts 
with the East India Company, he took the opportunity 
of visiting Tradescant's " Ark," Sir Henry Moody's 
Camera Obscura and the museum at the Tower of 
London, all of which, and especially the " rarities " 
collected by the Tradescants, excited his admiration. 

After a few days with his friends in Cornwall, Mundy 
returned to London to supervise the sale of some of his 
Indian goods. He travelled in a lobster-boat which 
put into Torbay and Weymouth. From the latter place 


he went to Portland, of which he has a minute de- 
scription, including an allusion to an unsuccessful attempt 
to drain the Fleet. At the same time he paid a visit 
to Maiden Castle and inspected Maumbury Ring at 

Having finished his business in London, Mundy 
returned to Penryn by road, stopping to examine 
the "New House" at Basing and King Arthur's Table 
at Winchester Castle, together with the " Cathedrall 
Church " in that " auntient Cittie." The quietude of 
the little town of Penryn soon palled upon him, and led 
him to seek some fresh " voyage or course to passe 
away tyme " as well as to " provide somewhat for the 
future." Accordingly, in November 1635, we find him 
again in London where " two good businesses " were 
" on foote." He had the chance of re-employment as 
factor in the East India Company's service, or of a similar 
post in an expedition undertaken by Sir William 
Courteen on an " unknowne designe." Naturally Mundy 
chose the latter. 

The inception and history of Courteen's Association, 
a rich and influential body of interlopers countenanced 
and encouraged by Charles I., has been ably set forth 
by Mr William Foster in his Introduction to Court 
Minutes, ed. Sainsbury, 1635 — 1639, ^^^ in his English 
Factories, 1634— 1641. The present remarks are therefore 
confined to the particular venture in which Mundy 
had a direct concern. The " unknowne designe," 
generally called Weddell's Expedition, was an am- 
bitious scheme to settle centres of trade, in rivalry of 
the East India Company, on the West Coast of India, 
in China and Japan, or any other suitable spot, and for 
this purpose a Royal Commission was granted to Captain 
John Weddell and Nathaniel Mountney, the commander 
and chief merchant. 

While in London, waiting for his saihng orders, Mundy 


went down to Woolwich in Sir William Courteen's 
advice boat, and there he saw on the stocks the Sovereign 
of the Seas, as well as the " Moddell or Molde of the 
said shipp." He compared her " prodigious length 
and breadth " with " St Paules great Church," two 
" wonderfull Structures," in his opinion, " not to bee 
paralelled in the whole world." In this " interim " 
there occurred the accident to the Ann Royal at Tilbury, 
by which many lives were lost. 

The fleet commanded by Captain John Weddell, in 
which Mundy was to sail, consisted of four large ships, 
the Dragon, Sun, Catherine and Planter, and two pinnaces, 
the Anne and the Discovery. Mundy was allotted to 
the Planter, his sailing companion, also a factor, being 
John Fortune. 

On the 14th April 1636 the ships left the Downs, 
and on Easter Day (the 17th) were off Start Point where 
they made a brave show, flying the King's " Coullours " 
and marking the occasion by " the report of Ordnance." 

The voyage was uneventful until the 30th April 
when the Catherine and Planter got out of their course 
and lost the rest of the fleet. A week later the Catherine 
deserted the Planter, and it was not until the 23rd May 
that " we accidentally and happily Mett with our Fleete 
againe." The Catherine, however, did not rejoin her 
consorts until after their arrival at Goa. 

On the 4th June it was decided to send the Discovery 
back to England since she proved a slow sailer and 
" could not hold way with us." The Anne, too, proved 
a hindrance, and was victualled and left to make her 
way to India at her own pace. 

The Dragon, Sun and Planter, being freed from 
encumbrances, steered for the Cape, which was sighted 
on the 26th July, and on the 19th August, after ex- 
periencing " much Winde and Foule weather," they 
spoke with a " Carrick " containing the Archbishop 



designate of Goa. Civilities were exchanged through 
the medium of Thomas Robinson, the hnguist of the 
party, after which the Portuguese vessel made straight 
for Goa and Weddell directed his course for the Comoros 
" to refresh our men." 

On the 27th August the fleet anchored at Johanna, 
an island hitherto unvisited by Mundy who made full 
use of the week spent there. He has remarks on its 
physical features, buildings, inhabitants, trade, pro- 
ductions, as well as "A Cataracke of water and other 
Curiosities of Nature." He would fain have visited the 
"strange pond" or lake in the mountains, about which 
marvellous stories were told him, but though he " assaid 
to obtaine leave to goe uppe with a guide," he could not 
" procure it For love nor money." 

At Johanna the fleet found the East India Company's 
ship Mary, which had " wayed " from England " some 
4 howres before us." Her commander. Captain James 
Slade, an old acquaintance of Mundy's, had died at sea, 
and she had lost her chief merchant and several of the 
crew by an accident to the ship's boat off Dassen Island. 

For five days after leaving Johanna the ships had 
" brave sailing," and on arrival at Goa " the wellcome 
salutation passed Freely on both sides by report of the 

At Goa, however, a disappointment awaited the 
emissaries of Courteen's Association. Dom Miguel de 
Noronha, Conde de Linhares, the Viceroy personally 
known to Weddell and Nathaniel Mountney, had 
returned to Portugal. His successor, who disapproved 
of the Convention signed by his predecessor with 
President William Methwold in January 1635, looked 
on the newcomers with suspicion. The voyage of the 
East India Company's ship London to Macao, the 
immediate outcome of the truce between the English 
and Portuguese in India, had resulted in filling the 


minds of the Portuguese authorities with misgivings 
lest the EngHsh should oust them from their already 
precarious position among the Chinese. Therefore Pedro 
da Silva, the new Viceroy, while accepting a letter and 
gift from Charles I. and acknowledging them with due 
courtesy, confined himself to vague promises, his chief 
object being to do as little as possible for Courteen's 
merchants, short of throwing them into the arms of the 
Dutch who were threatening to blockade Goa. 

Meanwhile the Catherine and Anne arrived on the 
scene, and Weddell, who was losing many of his men by 
sickness and desertion, urged the Portuguese to fulfil 
their promise of providing him with a cargo. But 
" finding Nothing butt Delaies, faire Wordes and breach 
of promises," " leave to Depart " was " demaunded " 
and granted after a stay of three months and nine days. 

During this time Mundy had ample opportunity 
to explore the city of Goa with its " faire streets " and 
" goodly churches," its " Many Castles and Fortes," 
and especially the tomb of St Francis Xavier. He 
was struck by the abundant supply of water, natural 
and artificial, and the consequent fruitfulness of the 
gardens. Here he first saw a pepper vine and tasted 
and described fruits hitherto unknown to him. To the 
money and weights of Goa he paid special attention, 
and he furnishes a useful list of contemporary names 
and values. 

Six days before Weddell sailed, a naval action took 
place between the Portuguese and the Dutch in which 
the latter had the advantage. Mundy's account of the 
fight is very brief, since it was only from hearsay, " my 
selff not present, beeing in the Citty at that time," 

On the 17th January 1637, Weddell, with the five 
ships under his command, left Goa for Bhatkal, where 
he had reason to hope for better success as regarded trade. 
He was followed by the Dutch fleet and at night they 


" anchored all together." The next day Weddell handed 
the letter of Charles I., countenancing the expedition, 
to the Dutch commander and obtained details of the 
recent fight with the Portuguese, after which the two 
fleets separated, the Dutch to resume the blockade of 
Goa and the English to sail to the southward. 

Off Karwar and its " faire large bay " Weddell 
anchored while Mundy and others explored an island at 
its entrance, but they failed to get information, as their 
interpreters " could not be understood by the Country 
people." On the 23rd January the fleet passed Onore 
(Honavar) and anchored at the north of Bhatkal. This 
place was selected as a likely centre of trade on the 
recommendation of Baba Rawat, the " Babaraut, an 
arche pyratt," who had come aboard the Mary on 
Mundy's homeward voyage in February 1634, ^.nd had 
then invited the English " to lade Pepper " there. 

Baba Rawat appears to have had influence with the 
Nayak of Ikkeri (Vira Bhadra), on whom Bhatkal 
depended, and he had ensured a favourable reception 
for Weddell and his companions. On their arrival, 
a message was sent from Ikkeri acceding to their request 
for a " shippes lading of pepper," but difficulties soon 
arose with the local officials and it was judged expedient 
to treat directly with the Nayak. Accordingly, Thomas 
Robinson and Mundy were selected to go to " the Court " 
and obtain a written agreement granting facilities of 

With " other 2 English " they " sett forward " on 
the 2ist February and took four days to cover the 37 
miles to Ikkeri. Vira Bhadra Nayak received them 
graciously and entertained them at a banquet where 
Mundy found the " accommodation " strange, since the 
guests sat on the ground and had " Neither table Nor 
stooles, trencher nor Napkin, knives nor spoones." 
The English were also present at a religious festival 


which Mundy describes in detail. He was specially 
interested in the "Mistmaker" or bheesty, by whose 
means "his Majesty May call for raine and have it a 
his pleasure." 

The object of the interview having been obtained — 
namely, permission to trade on specified terms and the 
grant of a piece of land on which to establish a factory — 
Robinson and Mundy left Ikkeri on the 28th February 
and returned to Bhatkal. Here they found that malaria 
had carried off many of the fleet, the Planter suffering 
especially, losing, among others, her master, surgeon 
and boatswain. The deaths altogether were " Near 
uppon Fourscore." 

Under these circumstances it is surprising that Weddell 
had no difficulty in finding volunteers to remain at 
Bhatkal and undertake the management of a factory 
which was ill-omened from the first. Anthony Vern- 
worthy, the first Chief, died within a month ; his successor, 
John Fortune, Mundy's companion on the Planter, 
was murdered, and two years later Weddell found the 
settlement in such a decaying condition as to need 

In spite of his short stay at Bhatkal, Mundy missed 
nothing of consequence. He noted the ruins consequent 
on internal dissension, the " Forsaken and neglected " 
temples, and an especially ornate pillar or stambha outside 
one of them. He has remarks on the houses plastered 
with cowdung (gobar), the palm-leaf MSS. tied in bundles, 
" Swinging Cottes," civet, the Soap-nut which will 
" scour and laver like sope," and various strange birds 
that attracted his notice. The coins and weights also 
received his attention, but as he " overslipped " some 
of them, the list is not so detailed as that for Goa. 

Having obtained a lading of pepper for the Planter 
and leaving the infant factory at Bhatkal apparently 
firmly established, the fleet again set sail on the 19th 


March 1637, ^^^ after anchoring for a short time off 
Mangalore, Mount Delly and Cannanore, steered for 
Cochin, where Thomas Robinson was sent ashore and 
obtained permission from the Governor of the town to 
purchase " reff reshing " as well as goods to complete 
the Planter's cargo. The uniformity of the buildings 
at Cochin was " much commended " by Mundy, but he 
did not find them " soe faire " as those at Goa. The 
cabinet work for which Cochin was noted, as well as the 
dug-outs of " one entire peece " of wood, however, 
excited his interest and admiration. 

Three days after leaving Cochin, on the 6th April 
1637, the Planter, now fully laden for England, took her 
leave of the fleet and sailed homeward, while Weddell 
with the remaining three ships and the pinnace Anne 
made his way to Sumatra, passing " faire by " Ceylon 
where Mundy saw Adam's Peak, " resembling somwhatt 
the Crowne of our now new fashion hatts." 

Sumatra was not named in the Royal Commission 
among the places where it was desirable to establish 
centres of trade, but the news of a change in the govern- 
ment at Achin had reached the fleet at Cochin, and it 
was thought a propitious moment to forward Courteen's 
interests there. Moreover, since " Acheen was held to 
bee a verie Convenient place as well for Correspondence 
with China as India," it might be possible to gain a 
footing there and leave factors to collect a supply of pepper 
and other goods in readiness " against our returne " 
from China. In addition to these reasons, Weddell 
and his associates were ready to grasp any opportunity 
of compensating themselves for their disappointment at 

Accordingly, on the 22nd April the fleet anchored 
off Achin, where the " Commaunders " were " lovingly 
receaved " by the new monarch, Iskandar Thani, who 
remitted the heavy customs duties imposed by his 


predecessor, Iskandar Muda, and promised every facility 
for trade, being " much affected " towards the Enghsh. 
Within a week a factory was established under the 
management of Edward Knipe and two assistants. The 
merchants were temporarily lodged in a house formerly 
occupied by the Danes until they could erect their own 
premises on a plot of land granted them by the King. 

During his short stay at Achin, much occurred to 
interest our author. He witnessed for the second time 
a procession to celebrate 'Idu'1-Azha, feast of sacrifices 
(Bakar'ld) ; he was present at a combat of elephants 
and has a lettered illustration of " the Manner off their 
Fighting." He excuses the length of space allotted 
to this subject " because it is a beast to be noted as the 
biggest, strongest, most capable " and " Most Dissenting 
in forme and use of parts From others of any that is." 

Among objects at Achin which attracted Mundy's 
notice were the King's female guard, his " Gallies and 
Frigatts," his " smalle vessells," and especially the 
Oriental outrigged canoe. The houses " builtt on posts " 
were a new feature to him, and here he made acquaint- 
ance with the durian, a fruit " Delicious in tast, though 
of a very ranck smelle." Mundy also remarked on the 
dress of the inhabitants, both rich and poor, and he was 
shocked at the " Cruell Justice " with which malefactors 
were punished. The " Coines, Waightts and Measures " 
did not escape him, and again he provides a useful 
contemporary table. 

On the 2nd May 1637 ^^e four ships bent their course 
for Malacca, where they arrived three weeks later, having 
temporarily " new named " the island of Pulo Berhala 
on their way. Here they stayed two days and were 
graciously received by the young Portuguese Governor, 
but they failed to obtain the " experienct Pilott " of 
whom they were in need, and had to put up with an 
inefficient Portuguese half-caste. 


At Malacca they found an English gunner married 
to a Portuguese " Mestiza " and also an Englishwoman 
married to a " Mestizo." This was Judith, serving 
maid of the Frobishers, who with her mistress was wrecked 
off China, and has thus the distinction of being one of 
the first Englishwomen known to have landed at Macao. 
Mundj^'s account of Malacca includes its fortifications, 
the dearness of provisions there, the palm-leaf hats 
worn by " the vulgar sort of Weomen," the language 
of the Malay Peninsula and a short list of coins and 

Six days after leaving Malacca, the " old straightt " 
of " Sincapura " was safely navigated, though the ships 
were once in great danger of running aground through 
the negligence of their " slender " pilot. The passage 
was found to be both " securious and Commodious," 
and was named, for the time being, " Weddells straights " 
in honour of the Commander. 

From Singapore to Macao the voyage was uneventful. 
At Pulo Tioman wood and water were taken on board 
and Mundy found specimens of " Monstrous scallope 
shells " {Tridacna gigas) and here also for the first time 
he saw a macaque monkey. After saiUng across the 
Gulf of Siam, making Pulo Condore and passing Cape 
Varella, the island of San Shan or St John, the 
burial place of St Francis Xavier, was sighted on the 
25th June. Two days later the ships "came to anchor 
3 leagues shortt of Macao." 

Here the real troubles of the commanders and mer- 
chants began, and for the next six months it needed all 
their ingenuity to combat the intrigues of the Portuguese 
and the suspicions of the Chinese. Being warned not 
to approach the harbour, John Mountney, Robinson and 
Mundy were sent ashore with letters to the Captain 
General of Macao. The Jesuits, who were indebted to 
Weddell for bringing several of their number from Malacca, 


welcomed the Englishmen at their College and enter- 
tained them to a " Banquet off sweet Meats, Fruit, 
etts.," among which was a " Leicheea," which Mundj^ 
found " the prettiest and pleasauntest Fruitt that ever 
I saw or tasted." The architecture of the Church of 
St Paul, with its carved roof and " New Faire Frontis- 
pice," also excited his admiration. 

Domingos da Camara, Captain General of Macao, 
viewed the arrival of the English with much disquiet. 
In face of the recently concluded Convention of Goa 
he could not flout them openly, but he was filled with 
misgivings lest they should ingratiate themselves with 
the Chinese and deprive the Portuguese settlers of the 
restricted trade allowed them. Moreover, Macao was 
in a parlous condition, and on the success of the yearly 
investment for Japan much depended. Therefore, as 
long as the six vessels bound for Deshima were still 
unladen. Da Camara temporised with the English. 
Politely vague replies were returned to the letters sent 
ashore, and the Procurador of the city was sent to the 
fleet to give a lamentable account of the low condition 
of trade owing to suspicions aroused in the Chinese, 
suspicions which, so he said, would be accentuated by 
the arrival of large ships. 

In order to hinder the newcomers from verifying the 
truth of these statements, " Watche boats " were 
stationed " to forbidd all others coming near us." 
Weddell therefore determined to get into the harbour 
unpiloted, and managed to reach Taipa Anchorage, all 
the ships happily escaping a sunken rock, on which they 
would have " spoyled themselves." 

On the ist July, in spite of the guard boats, a Chinese 
official with his attendants came on board " to know 
our intentts." Mundy was struck by his " strange 
attire " as well as by the " broad board " carried before 
him. Nothing came of this visit and Weddell made 


use of his enforced inactivity to have all his ships 
" carreened." A rumour that after the departure of 
the Portuguese fleet for Japan facilities for trade would 
be granted induced him to wait with patience. How- 
ever, in order to be prepared for any event, he sent the 
pinnace Anne to survey the Canton River and " seeke 
For speech and trade with the Chineses." Captain 
Carter of the Catherine took command of this perilous 
adventure, and with him were Thomas Robinson, John 
Mountney, and a " selected Crew." The Anne started 
on the I2th July and was absent for ten days. 

Meanwhile, another Chinese official, this time from 
Canton, paid a visit to the fleet "to be satisfied of the 
truth of whatt the others write," but again nothing was 
effected by the interview. On the day of the Anne's 
return a rumour was spread that the pinnace had been 
" surprized," that her crew were " in Irons," and the 
vessel "haled on shoare." The Captain General sent 
to condole with Weddell on the disaster, but " all 
prooved falce, For thatt evening she retourned, finding, 
so they said, good encouragementt of trade from the 

The Anne had made her way up the river as far as 
the First Bar by means of a fisherman who was bribed 
to act as pilot. Her arrival caused consternation at 
Canton, and Chinese officials were hurriedly dispatched 
to promise all sorts of concessions if she would but return 
to Macao, " The Which they, haveinge satisfied them- 
selves with this discovery . . . readily performed." 

The day following the return of the Anne, the 
Portuguese fleet set sail for Japan, " And now expected 
wee open admittance of trade." But the merchants 
were still put off with excuses, such as want of direct 
orders from the King of Spain or Viceroy of Goa and the 
known hatred of the Chinese to strangers. In order 
still further to discourage the English from any attempt 


to trade, the Procurador warned them that a design was 
on foot to set fire to their ships. 

At the end of another week Weddell's patience was 
exhausted. Reahsing that there was no hope of coming 
to an agreement with the Portuguese, he determined to 
make use of the information obtained by the Anne 
and to attempt to open trade directly with the Chinese. 
In pursuance of this design, the four ships left their 
anchorage on the 29th July 1637 and sailed up the estuary 
to a point off the Nine Islands, followed by a fleet of 
junks anxiously watching their movements. One of 
these sent a Chinese official with an interpreter to the 
Dragon, desiring the commander to anchor " there 
aboutts " until orders should be received from Canton. 
Weddell, however, took no notice of this message, but 
sailed up to Chuen-pi Point. Thence he proceeded 
slowly " by reason of straunge currantts and little 
wyndes." On the 4th August he encountered a fleet 
of about 40 sail of " the kings Men of Warre," and 
received another message to " turne aside " to Wantong 
Forts. This also he disregarded and made his way to 
Anung-hoi Point on which was a fort, and there the 
Chinese prepared to oppose his passage. Immediately 
out went the " bloody ensignes " and the " Kings 
coullours on our Mayne toppes," which so impressed 
the Chinese that they hurriedly sent to beg the English 
to have patience " For 6 Dales more," when there would 
be time to hear from Canton. 

In the interval Mundy went ashore with " a white 
Flagge " to buy provisions, and saw in the market an 
edible snake, " his Mouth sowed uppe For biting." 
He also visited a Chinese Pagoda and drank his first 
cup of " Chaa " or tea. The " white Flagge " was of 
" little purpose," our " white silver being all in all," 
and even that failed to secure food on the following day, 
for the Mandarin of Wantong Forts had " sent order 


all aboutt thatt Nothing should bee sould us." Mundy 
and the foraging party with their interpreters, who 
were runaways from the Portuguese, were returning 
empty-handed when they fell in with two Chinese using 
divining sticks in a " poore Pagode " built of oyster 
shells. After witnessing the ceremony, they were in- 
vited to share the repast of the worshippers, but they 
" knew not how to use " the chopsticks provided them, 
" soe imployed our Fingers." 

The reply from Canton was due on the 15th August, 
but the persistency of the Chinese in refusing supplies 
and the way in which they were collecting ammunition 
at Anung-hoi Fort excited Weddell's suspicion and kept 
him on the alert. On the 12th the Dragon's barge was 
fired on and a general skirmish ensued. The Chinese were 
quickly routed and the fort abandoned. This was 
Mundy 's first experience of war, and " beecause it was 
soe orderly Don and the First skirmish thatt I yett ever 
saw my selfe in by land or Sea," he describes it " somwhat 

The following day two junks were seized, and the 
crew of one of them was sent to Canton in their own 
ship's boat with a letter to the officials of the city giving 
the reasons that had led to the attack on Anung-hoi 
Fort. Meanwhile Thomas Robinson went ashore to 
" procure what he might," and had another skirmish 
with " about 350 Chinesses " before he could bring 
away the provisions he had purchased. 

At this juncture Pablo Noretti comes on the scene. 
This man was a Chinese who had learnt Portuguese 
and had served as interpreter at Macao, becoming a 
Christian and being baptised and given a Portuguese 
name. In the previous year, however, he had renounced 
his new religion and had betaken himself to Canton, 
declaring that the Portuguese had defrauded him. They, 
on the other hand, maintained that Noretti had cheated 


them of a large sum of money at the annual Canton 
Fair, the only time they were permitted to trade in that 
city and obtain cargoes for their fleet for Japan. 

In entrusting their interests to such a man, the 
failure of the attempt of the English to open trade with 
Canton was a foregone conclusion. Noretti arrived 
on the 15 th August in the guise of a " petty Mandareene " 
with a flag of truce, offering to obtain all the desired 
concessions. In return, Weddell agreed to give com- 
pensation for any damages inflicted in the late skirmishes. 
On the faith of Noretti's promises, John Mountney 
and Thomas Robinson went with him to Canton, where 
they presented a petition to the Governor of the city 
drawn up by the interpreter and containing bitter accusa- 
tions against his late masters. 

The merchants returned to the fleet favourably 
impressed by their reception, and three days later Noretti 
arrived, bringing a reply which he interpreted to the 
great satisfaction of Weddell and his associates, who 
now believed that their venture would be crowned with 
success. Noretti assured them that the document he 
brought granted every facility of trade and a " Choice 
of 3 severall places" for their " shippes to Ride in." 
The interpretation, however, was " Most Fake (as after- 
ward appeared)," but it was some time before the 
English realised the depth of Noretti's treacher}^ 
Buoyed up with hopes of a profitable investment, three 
of the leading spirits of the expedition, Nathaniel 
Mountney, " Cape Merchant," his brother John, the 
accountant, and Thomas Robinson, a man of wide ex- 
perience of trade in the East, willingly agreed to go to 
Canton to inspect samples and arrange for the shipment 
of goods. While they were collecting a boatload of 
saleable articles to take with them, Mundy and an 
interpreter sailed down the river in the pinnace Anne, 
commanded by Thomas WooUman, master of the Sun, 


to inspect the places said to be " appointed for our 
shipping." Only one of these was fpund suitable for 
an anchorage, and that by no means an ideal spot. Still, 
it was " held the best For presentt." 

On his return to the fleet, Mundy " and one More " 
were sent to the Chinese commander of certain junks 
to beg permission for the ships to go further up the 
river for their " More security." This official, however, 
asserted that he had no power to grant the request. 
" Notwithstanding such answear," the " exceeding 
Fowle weather " experienced on the 29th August induced 
Weddell to disregard all prohibitions and to berth his 
ships in "a very commodious harbour " under Tiger 
Island. Here, a week later, he was joined by Robinson 
and Noretti, who brought " much sugar for lading." 

The news that Weddell and his four ships had reached 
Tiger Island and that three of his merchants were actually 
in Canton filled the Portuguese with envy and dismay, 
and they lost no time in sending a wordy protest, holding 
the English answerable for any losses that might accrue 
to them in consequence of such actions. " The said 
protest was forthwith answeared in a slighting Manner," 
Weddell professing himself to be too busy to give it 
careful attention. Whether the Portuguese were directly 
answerable for the subsequent attempt to destroy the 
fleet is not clear, but there seems little doubt that they 
knew of the design and lent it their support. 

On the loth vSeptember 1637, at the turn of the tide 
on a dark night, the Chinese launched fireships among 
the British vessels, hoping to catch them while they 
were swinging athwart the river. The " plotte " was 
" put in execution," says Mundy, when " wee thoughtt 
our selves Most secure and happy off our good hopes 
and beegining off trade." The ships quickly cut their 
cables, and the three " Junckes all in Flaming Fire " 
happily " Drave withoutt " the fleet, which thus escaped 


injury. Of this " passage " also Mundy has a very 
full account, " beecause it is the first fire Daunger that 
I ever yett have seene my selff in." 

Their narrow escape caused Weddell and his associates 
to begin to " Mistrust the Dealing of Nurretti and to Fear 
the saffety off our Merchantts att Cantan," whither 
Robinson had returned with another boatload of goods. 
An inspection of Tiger Island revealed further prepara- 
tions for the destruction of the fleet, and " In regard 
more fireshippes were expected" and "our Riding here 
was soe DistastfuU to the Chinois and soe full of Danger 
to our selves," Weddell decided to go back to his old 
archorage under Anung-hoi Fort. Many discussions 
as to the best line of action to be pursued took place 
among the commanders and merchants. At one time 
it was decided to return to Macao, charge the Portuguese 
with the late assault and demand satisfaction. Later, 
" Thatt resolution " was " alltred," and it was agreed 
to " Doe all the spoile wee could unto the Chinois" in 
revenge for the attack of the fireships and the detention 
of the three merchants in Canton, for whose safety 
grave fears were now entertained, no news of them having 
been received for a fortnight. 

Accordingly, several junks were seized and burnt, 
villages were destroyed and Anung-hoi Fort was blown 
up. The only effect of these actions was a " lettre 
from the Mandareenes," desiring Weddell to wait quietly 
" yett 10 Dales, and then we should have our requiry." 
But as this was looked upon as a ruse to gain " tyme to 
putt their intentts into practice," and as news had been 
received from the Mountneys that they " were kept in 
straightt and feared Dayly to have their persons seized," 
and were without any tidings of Robinson, it was judged 
advisable to get out of reach of danger. The ships 
therefore sailed down the estuary and anchored off 
Lintin Island whence a protest was sent to the Portuguese, 


charging them with complicity in the attack of the fire- 
ships and the imprisonment of the Merchants in Canton, 
as well as with " contempt off our Kings Majesties 
Friendly letter." 

This document appears to have caused much pertur- 
bation amongst the Senate at Macao. In consequence, 
they changed their tactics and sent two emissaries bearing 
a friendly letter, and entrusted with the task of explaining 
away the charges in the protest. The intermediaries, 
a Jesuit Father and a Spanish Major, were known to 
the English, for both had sailed with the fleet from 
Malacca. The " Jesuitt " performed his task well. 
He " Denied allmost every article " of the protest, 
and succeeded in working a complete change in the 
attitude of Weddell and his associates. From blustering 
they descended to entreaty, and in reply to the courteous 
note brought by the emissaries, sent an almost servile 
letter, begging the Portuguese to use their influence to 
procure the release of the three merchants detained at 
Canton and to accord facilities at Macao to make up a 

The cause of this sudden change of tone seems to have 
been fear for the lives of the Mountneys and Robinson. 
At any rate, that is the only explanation offered by Mundy, 
and it is obvious that he and Weddell, as well as Arthur 
Hatch, the Minister, agreed with reluctance to such a 
course. " Necessity compelling us . . . broughtt us 
to thatt which otherwise would not have bin condiscended 

While awaiting an answer from Macao, the English 
had the opportunity of recouping themselves for all 
their losses, had they so minded. A richly laden Spanish 
galleon from Manila anchored " somewhatt Near us," 
and much discussion took place " whither it were best 
to stay her or lette her goe." The decision " not to 
Meddle with her for sundry good reasons," principally 


the fact that Spain and England were then at peace, 
" bredd greatt Murmuring in our whole Fleete amongst 
the Commonalty." 

On the 2nd October 1637, ^he Jesuit Father returned 
with a satisfactory letter from the Captain General of 
Macao. The "best indeavours" of the Portuguese for 
the release of the imprisoned merchants were promised 
and also facilities for trade. An agreement was drafted, 
and Mundy was one of the four selected to go to Macao 
and " conclude on the Articles." However, the Portu- 
guese declined to treat with any but the Commander, 
and unless " himself e came in person," they " desired 
none att all to come." 

Mundy therefore went with Thomas WooUman, 
master of the Sun, on another quest, namely to find a 
safe and convenient anchorage for the fleet within easy 
distance of Macao. They were, moreover, ordered to 
pay a visit of courtesy to the captain of the Spanish 
galleon and congratulate him on his safe arrival. They 
were hospitably received and found the fittings on board 
very luxurious, even the "inferiour officers" being 
" served with some plate," while in " the greatt Cabbin 
there was aboundance in variety." Here Mundy first 
tasted " Chucculatte," a beverage " accompted very 

The next day he and WooUman were sent to Macao 
with a letter excusing Weddell's personal attendance 
unless hostages for his safety were forthcoming. The 
Portuguese affected to be greatly hurt at such mistrust 
of their motives, and sent another letter " earnestly 
entreating and requesting " Weddell " and the rest of 
the Commaunders " to come to Macao. " There were 
many inconveniences, Doubtts and Daungers cast if 
hee went," and neither Captain Swanley nor Captain 
Carter could be induced to accompany him. So in the 
end, " hee went alone, accompanied only with our Minister, 


the Purser of the Dragon and myselffe." The party 
were " saluted with 5 great peeces of Ordnance," con- 
ducted to " a very faire howse," and entertained to a 
sumptuous repast. Then followed a conference at the 
Senate House, where it was agreed that five Portuguese 
of standing should go up to Canton to effect the release 
of the imprisoned merchants. In return for this con- 
cession, Weddell gave an undertaking that as soon as 
his associates were delivered up in safety, " hee would 
Forthwith Depart and Never trouble these parts No 

On the loth October the party returned to the fleet, 
to the surprise of those who had suspected foul play 
from the Portuguese. The ships now " fell Downe " to 
Urmston Harbour, and having arranged for a " limmitted 
trade in Macao," a house was hired on shore and Mundy 
was entrusted with the business of " selling our owne 
commodities " and " buying and shiping of theirs." 

Early in November the Portuguese fleet returned from 
Japan after an unsuccessful voyage, the Dutch having 
anticipated their arrival and " spoiled their Markett 
by underselling them." This disappointment made the 
Portuguese regret their concessions to the English in 
the matter of trade, and henceforth they baulked them 
at every opportunity. There had been " Variable Newes " 
from Canton and many false reports, so that " wee 
hung beetweene hope and Dispaire." At last, on the 
loth November, a reassuring letter from the Mountneys 
and Robinson reached Macao. They advised that they 
had managed to provide about 600 tons of goods and 
" hoped to come Downe themselves very sodainely." 

However, as day after day went by and there was no 
further reliable news, great " perplexity " prevailed^ 
and anxiety regarding the fate of those " alofft " was 
renewed. There was, moreover, " generall Discontentts 
throughoutt " the fleet, " Imputationes among the 


great ones," and " Murmurings among the Inferiours." 
Mundy, a lover of peace, took no part in these dissensions, 
but reUeved the tedium of waiting for tidings by witnessing 
dramatic performances by " China boies " and by the 
pupils of the Jesuit Fathers. 

Finally, on the 28th November 1637, " Our as long 
expected as Desired Merchants arrived att Macao," 
bringing with them " much off the goods they advized 
off," and on the 30th, Weddell, Nathaniel Mountney 
and Captain Swanley signed the undertaking agreed upon, 
which Mundy considered " odly indited." 

An opportunity now presented itself for our author 
to embark on a further and more extensive voyage 
and gratify his heart's desire. The Spanish galleon 
already mentioned was bound for Spain, via Manila 
and Mexico. The knowledge " bredde " in Mundy 
a longing to " proceed on the same Easterly course till 
I had ended where I beegan, and soe to have once made 
one circle round aboutt the globe of the Earth, which 
would have bin a voyage of voyages." 

Among the reasons he brought forward in support 
of his desire was the little need of his services, since the 
China venture had not answered the expectations of 
its promoters. Probably, too, he was anxious to escape 
from the quarrelsome atmosphere of the ships. He 
therefore approached the captain of the galleon and 
begged a passage on his vessel. But permission was 
refused on the ground that the Convention of Goa was 
" not yet confirmed by our Kings " and that he " there- 
ffore Durst not carry any straungers." So, most 
unwillingly, Mundy " let the Action Fall." 

In December the Catherine's lading was completed, 
and she left Macao on the 20th with orders to call first 
at Achin and then at Bhatkal before sailing for England. 
The Anne had already been sold to the Spanish captain, 
having been found too unseaworthy for the homeward 


voyage. Weddell had now only the Dragon and Sun in 
his charge and was anxious to make up their cargoes with 
all speed since many of his " yong Men " were deserting. 

On Christmas Day a letter was received from Noretti, 
who must have over-estimated the credulity of his 
victims. He pretended that the Viceroy of Canton, 
who had recently arrived at the city, was prepared to 
accord to the English freedom of trade and " a place 
to reside in." But, as Mundy remarks, " how hee may 
bee Creditted wee know nott." The next day Mundy 
was sent to the Captain General to request him to issue 
an official notice of the impending departure of the 
Dragon and the Sun so that all who had " accompts 
with us might come and cleare them." Mundy arrived 
at an inauspicious moment. The Captain General had 
learned that, in spite of strict orders to the contrary, 
numerous Portuguese had secretly obtained passages 
in Weddell's ships to secure safety from attacks by the 
Dutch and to avoid paying customs on the goods they 
carried. The Governor vented his wrath on Weddell's 
messenger, and " Fell a Rayling in Most violent Manner 
with uncivill and Discourteous language," not " suffring " 
him to " speake one word." 

On the 27th December, exactly six months after 
their arrival at Macao, the crews were all aboard, but 
it was two days later before the ships set sail. In the 
interval John Mountney and Thomas Robinson " went 
ashoare once againe " to deliver a final protest to the 
Portuguese. However, in spite of having been " variously 
Crosed " in their " Designe," their " lives, shipping, 
goodes, etts.. Molested, endaungered. Damnified," and 
" all things Don in hast and Doubt," the merchants 
were so anxious to open up trade with China that they 
would have made further attempts, had they not been 
" expelled in all hast," leaving a large portion of their 
capital uninvested. 


While in China, according to his wont, Mundy made 
use of every opportunity to gather information, not only 
of the life and religion of the people of " this soe great 
Ritche and Famous a kingdome," but also of their 
language. Some of his pertinent remarks on these varied 
subjects will be noted later. 

On the 30th December 1637 ^he Dragon and Sun, 
carr3dng besides their own crews, " nere 140 Portugalls," 
departed from Macao and sailed for the newly-established 
factory at Achin. The Sun had already an unenviable 
notoriety in the matter of deaths from sickness and 
accident, and her ill-luck still pursued her. Shortly 
after leaving Macao she lost a " proper lusty honest 
fellow," who fell from the " Mayne toppe " into the 
sea, thus reducing her company to 66, the " Just halffe " 
with which she left England. The Dragon also lost a 
" very laborious, carefull honest Man." " And thus," 
says Mundy, " we beegin our New yeare. God grauntt 
the following part proove better." 

Nothing further of importance occurred until the 
i2th January 1638 when, off Pedra Branca (Straits 
of Singapore), the ships spoke with three Dutch vessels 
who passed on news received from Europe, the item 
which most closely concerned Weddell and his com- 
panions being the death of their principal employer. 
Sir William Courteen. A demand was made by the 
Dutch for the surrender of the Portuguese passengers 
with all their property, but these having been " close 
stowed " when the Dutch ships were sighted, their 
existence was denied. The Dutch therefore drew off 
for reinforcements and bent their course to the south 
of the island of Singapore. Weddell followed them 
through a " large straight or passage " (the modern 
Straits of Singapore), which was found to be "very 
safe and spacious." 

Soon after, five Dutch ships " came uppe with us " 


and " desired us to Anchor untill Day, which wee Did." 
In the morning they sent a letter demanding the dehvery 
of the Portuguese and their goods, full details of which 
they declared they had obtained from " our owne 
people." In return, they offered " largesse " to the 
Commanders and the crews and threatened to enforce 
their instructions to " search any shippe " should they 
be met by a refusal. 

A heated debate followed, and " Some howres past " 
in " controverting the matter." John Darell, who 
wrote an account of the incident from hearsay some 
years later, says that " a glass " was turned as a time 
limit for the English to give their answer ; that Weddell 
was in favour of fighting and Swanley of surrender^ 
whereupon Weddell gave Swanley " reproachful and 
uncivil language, as coward and the like." 

In the end, so Mundy tells us, preparations were 
made to meet an assault " the best wee could," the ships 
being much encumbered with the baggage of the pas- 
sengers. It was then, according to Darell, that Captain 
Swanley suggested that the " Black box " containing 
the Royal Warrants should be opened, and the Royal 
Commission granted to Weddell for taking prizes was 
shown to the Dutch. This gave him power to seize 
the persons and goods of the subjects of the King of 
Spain if they attempted to hinder the trade of Courteen's 
merchants or used any violence towards them. By 
virtue of this Commission Weddell asserted that he had 
" possessed himselffe " of the Portuguese and their 
property, and he threatened to protest against the Dutch 
" if they did Molest us." 

Darell says that the Dutch commander was much 
troubled at the sight of the royal signature, "fretting 
and fuming and tearing his hair," for he had not instruc- 
tions how to act " in that case." In the end he forbore 
to fight and allowed the English ships to pass without 


interference. This was a fortunate decision for Weddell 
who, with two ships " much pestred," could hardly 
have got the better of five less heavily laden. Moreover, 
as Mundy remarks, had the English come off victors, 
there would have been " no saffety For us in all these 
seas " from future attacks. A further consideration 
of still more weight was that " Most of our company 
were unwilling to Fightt with the Hollanders," although 
offered the substantial bribe of a sixth of the " Portu- 
galls goods," Probably the men were not taken in by 
Weddell's pretended seizure of the property of his 

At Malacca, where the Dragon and Sun put in on 
the i6th January to land a few of the Portuguese, they 
found the inhabitants " in perplexity " on account of 
the Dutch who were tightening the blockade of the 
place. In fact, many persons tried to " come away 
with us to seeke their Fortunes elcewhere," but the 
ships " took in few or none." On the 19th they sailed 
for Achin, and to the end of the month met with " Much 
calmes " and " Nothing elce worth Notice." 

Achin was reached on the 3rd February. The settle-' 
ment under Edward Knipe was found to be in a thriving 
condition, but the Achinese themselves were trembling 
under the yoke of the new monarch who had wreaked 
his vengeance in inhuman fashion on the participators 
in a plot against his life. 

Weddell just missed the Catherine, which sailed the 
day before his arrival. She had taken in part of the 
goods available at Achin, and the Dragon, with the 
remainder, set out on the 13th February for the West 
Coast of India. The Sun was left to complete her cargo 
and then make the best of her way to England, but it 
was not until the 3rd March 1638 that she was ready 
for the homeward voyage. 

In the interval Mundy, who had transhipped from 


the Dragon, extended his knowledge of the elephant 
and had his first ride on one, an " uneasy " experience, 
since he was the " hindermost " of three " on the Ridge 
off his Monstrous massy Chine bones." 

The various commodities brought from China were 
found to yield a substantial price at Achin and the money 
thus obtained was invested in pepper. Among other 
things Mundy noted a considerable rise in the value of 
the mace since his last visit. 

After nearly two years' absence from their native 
land, the crew of the Sun set out for home. Captain 
Richard Swanley was in command, with Thomas WooUman 
master. On board were Thomas Robinson, Mundy, 
Jeremy Weddell, William Bushell, with other factors 
not named in the narrative. 

From Sumatra the Sun sailed westward, crossing 
the Equator on the 14th March and sighting the island 
of Diego Rodriguez on the nth April 1638. Mundy 
found plenty of entertainment during the voyage in 
fishing and in watching the habits of the animal life 
which surrounded the ship. 

A leak " which brake outt uppon us " decided Captain 
Swanley to put in at Mauritius, and on the 15th April 
the Sun anchored in Water Bay on the north of the 
island. Three days were spent in carrying out the 
necessary repairs and in taking in water and refresh- 
ments. Mundy had already heard of the attractions 
of the island and he lost no time in making personal 
acquaintance with them. He learned the story of 
Peter Butt's Head, " a wondrous Monument Named on 
a straunge occasion"; he noted the "particularities" 
of the island, its animal and vegetable productions, not 
forgetting the Dodo, which he did not see, and the now 
also extinct " Mauritius hen," of which he has an illustra- 
tion. He found the island a " pleasaunt and commodious 
place " and an ideal spot for a settlement, " Both land 


and Sea " contributing plenteously " as well For 
Necescity as pleasure and conveniency." 

On the i8th April the Sun once more weighed anchor 
and shaped her course for home, where, under ordinary 
circumstances, she would have arrived in about six 
months. But the first of May lived up to its 
traditional bad character and provided the beginning 
of a series of storms to buffet the sorely tried ship. On 
the 2nd the " greatt boate " which much " wrongued " 
the vessel was cut up, but the removal of this impediment 
did not effect much good. From the 3rd to the 20th 
May the only cessation from gales was " a Breathing to 
beegin affresh," and on the latter date the storm increased 
in violence and " staggered our weake vessell " to the 
limit of her endurance. 

Eventually, it was considered suicidal to continue 
the voyage in a " Dutch built, weake, leaky and Ironsicke 
shippe." It was therefore decided to put back to Mada- 
gascar, a " greatt way to beare upp For a harbour, 
there beeing None other Nearer " so suitable and safe 
as St Augustine's Bay at the south-west of that island. 
On the way the ship encountered more heavy seas which 
washed right over her and compelled her to steer 
" quarter windes For a while." When at last she 
anchored in the Bay, on the 4th June, her master and 
Thomas Robinson were both in a dying condition. The 
former only survived a week and the latter passed away 
on the i6th June, death putting " a period to all his 
greatt travells and troubles." 

The ship was found to be so " much shaken " that, 
at the end of a month, after all had been done to her 
with the means available, " it was held very Daungerous 
to proceed on her For England." At this juncture 
the East India Company's ship Discovery, under Captain 
WilUam Minors, put in at St Augustine's Bay. Captain 
Swanley immediately " made this our case knowne unto 


our New come Frends " and begged assistance. It was 
not surprising that the request was met with a point 
blank refusal to help "any enterlopers." Swanley was 
very indignant and lodged a protest containing a list 
of his requirements with Captain Minors, declaring that 
the Company should be held responsible for all losses 
occasioned by the refusal. But " all would not serve." 
and when the Discovery set sail for India on the 3rd 
July, the plight of the Sun seemed wellnigh hopeless. 

However, on the 2nd August, " it pleased God to 
send us in to our comffort the shippe Planter." Since 
parting with the fleet in April 1637 she had made a suc- 
cessful voyage to England, and was now on her way 
to Bhatkal with a second cargo. Her captain willingly 
supplied all that was required, and the Sun was at once 
" brought asterne " and repairs begun. The leaks were 
found to be too extensive to be satisfactorily stopped^ 
and a conference was held to know whether " the officers " 
would " goe From hence to England on this weake^ 
defective and leaky shippe," with the chance of encoun- 
tering winter storms in -home waters, or "to bear backe 
againe For India, there to repaire our hurtts and supply 
our wantts." They " all replyed in a Joint voice " that 
they would run any risk rather than " returne backe 
for India; and soe it was resolved on." The Planter 
therefore sailed for India, and Captain Swanle}^ employed 
all hands in doing everything possible to fit his un- 
seaworthy ship for the ordeals awaiting her, at the same 
time providing an adequate supply of " homeward bound 

His prolonged stay at Madagascar gave Mundy the 
opportunity of adding to the knowledge he had previously 
obtained of the island during his brief visit in 1628. 
Then he was struck by the grotesque manner of hair^ 
dressing adopted by the natives. Now he examined the 
various fashions minutely and made elaborate drawings 


of them. The industries carried on by the Malagasy, 
their method of barter and their religious customs all 
received his attention, as well as the animal life of the 
south-west portion of the island. His efforts to acquire 
some knowledge of the Malagasy tongue and the value of his 
work to the student of philology will be dealt with later. 

At last, on the 28th August 1638, the good ship Sun 
once more directed her course for England. A month 
later she was off the Cape, and while " thwart off itt, 
affter Morning prayer," Captain Swanley urged on his 
ship's company the advisability of going " Directly 
For St Hellena " rather than putting in at that inhos- 
pitable spot, where they could expect nothing but 
" Sorrell, Mussels and water," the latter to be obtained 
with much risk and difficulty. Of St Helena he drew 
so glowing a picture that it was " Concluded to proceed 
Forthwith " to that island. 

Beyond a strong south-easterly gale, nothing further 
occurred to try the leaky worn-out ship, and St Helena 
was reached in a fortnight : "a speedy passage." 
Mundy's second visit to the island was made at a favour- 
able moment. The hills were covered with verdure ; 
fresh water and ripe lemons were to be had in abundance ; 
the " Cattle allsoe Never in better case." 

Five days sufficed to lay in a " store of hogges and 
goates " and other " reffreshing." Then, having written 
on a board the name of the ship and her officers with the 
time of arrival and departure, they " Nayled itt Fast " 
in the chapel built by the Portuguese. This edifice had 
been " New repaired by the Hollanders " since Mundy's 
last visit in 1634. 

From St Helena homewards the ' ' Faire weather, 

mooth seas and Favourable windes " experienced since 

passing the Cape happily continued. Had the ship 

encountered heavy storms, she could hardly have battled 

through them, for on the 20th November she became 


" More leaky," and though, on the 22nd, " the said 
leake " was found and " stopt," it " broke outt againe " 
on the 25th, and the crew were compelled to pump 
" aboutt 80 strokes every glasse or halffe hower " or 
" att least 16 tonnes ofi water" daily, the "leake lying 
aboutt her bowes Not to bee come by." But this labour 
"prooved beneficiall" to the health of the men and, in 
Mundy's opinion, provided a " good breathing exercise." 

On Saturday the 15th December 1638 Mundy and some 
of his companions were "sett on shoare" at Dover "to 
proceed Forthwith to our Imployers." They took post 
horses, rode all night and reached London early on Sunday 
morning. In the two years and eight months in which he 
had been abroad, our traveller reckoned that he had sailed 
altogether 36,204 miles, a considerable addition to the 
27,000 and odd miles which he computed he had covered 
in his former voyage to India and back. 

Of his fellow travellers in the expedition Mundy 
has comparatively little to say, and he mentions very 
few of them by name. John Fortune, with whom he 
made the outward voyage in the Planter, he found 
" a plaine honest quiet Man, but of No great courage, 
comportment Nor commaund." There is not a single 
remark about the five captains to show his opinion of 
them, and we are ignorant as to whether he considered 
the statements of the Portuguese respecting the arro- 
gance of Nathaniel Mountney and Richard Swanley to 
be justified. Although Mundy was associated on various 
occasions with Thomas Robinson, John Mountney, 
Thomas Woollman and Christopher Parr, he is silent re- 
garding all except Robinson, whose chequered history he 
probably learnt during the journey from Bhatkalto Ikkeri. 
Of Arthur Hatch, the Minister of the Dragon, with whom 
he was apparently in sympathy at Macao, he is also 
silent. He offers no opinion of the altercations that took 
place on the way to India and at Goa. Indeed, he must 


have held himself aioof from all such things, for of the 
" differences " which led to the departure of Captain 
Molton for England in the Planter, he professes entire 
ignorance. The " Imputationes " and " Discontented 
Murmurings," rife among both the " greate ones " and 
the " Inferiours," during the trying months spent in the 
Canton River, caused real distress to his peace-loving 
nature and were doubtless among the reasons that led 
him to attempt to sever his connection with Weddell's 
Expedition and obtain a passage in the Spanish vessel 
bound to Mexico. Beyond a reference to Henry Glascock, 
"an old Freind and acquaintance off Myne, Mundy 
only twice alludes to any association with his companions 
on intimate terms, once at Pulo Tioman when he, with 
William Baron and John Smart, hauled a huge Tridacna 
shell " outt of the Oase," and again, just before leaving 
Macao, when he " with other Freinds " walked beyond 
the boundary wall. 

The estimation in which he was held by the leaders 
of the expedition can be judged by the confidential 
missions with which he was entrusted. He was selected 
to go ashore at Karwar and prospect for an anchorage ; 
he accompanied Thomas Robinson to Ikkeri to obtain a 
concession requiring the exercise of diplomatic skill ; 
and he was one of the three deputed to carry the letter 
of Charles I. to the Captain General of Macao. While 
in China, he took part in most of the interviews with both 
Chinese and Portuguese officials, being associated with 
John Mountney in an attempt to placate the Chinese 
and with Thomas Woollman in a dangerous cruise in the 
estuary of the Canton River. Finally, when the tempers 
of Weddell, Nathaniel Mountney, and Swanley had 
strained the relations with the Portuguese to breaking 
point, it was Mundy who was put in charge of the house 
hired in Macao where the English carried on the 
" limmitted trade" allowed them. 


Of Mundy's acuteness of observation, so frequently 
noted in his early travels, we have again ample illustra- 
tion. Among the many objects which attracted his 
attention and excited his pertinent remarks are : — 
the solid- wheel carts of Portland ; " strange bullocks " 
at Johanna ; the Crowned Crane he saw at Goa ; the 
processional car at Ikkeri ; " White people " in the 
Malay Archipelago ; white porpoises in the Canton 
River; " Beeombos " (screens), gold fish, porcelain, 
"black Flesht poultry," at Macao; green snakes at 
Achin ; " Ebon " and other trees at Mauritius ; the 
Malagasy guitar and the special beads used for currency 
at St Augustine's Bay ; a Portuguese pig-pen at St 

In the " habitts " of the various peoples with whom 
he came in contact Mundy also took great interest, and 
he has both word and pen pictures of all that he saw, 
his contemporary descriptions and illustrations of Chinese 
costumes being particularly valuable. 

Boats and boatbuilding received a full share of his 
attention, from the dug-outs of Johanna, Cochin and 
Madagascar, to the several kinds of junks in the Canton 
River. A ship's cradle at Goa, a novelty to him, excited 
his wonder and admiration. In this connection he noticed 
the various methods of fishing that obtained in the 
different countries that he visited. 

Mundy also took the opportunity to be present at 
various pastimes and recreations, such as buffalo-baiting 
at Goa, elephant and cock fighting at Achin, dramatic 
representations and a kind of tilting at the ring at 
Macao, of all of which he has descriptions. 

As a boy, before starting on his extensive travels, he 
had mastered the Spanish and French languages, and 
during his five years in India he seems to have acquired 
a working colloquial knowledge of GujaratI and Persian, 
with probably a httle Portuguese, for in November 1633, 


when he was appointed " factor mareene " at Swally to 
" act for our owne and the Persians goods," the reason 
given for selecting him was that " his language, care and 
knowledge " promised " the well performance of that 

In this voyage he enlarged his Portuguese vocabulary 
and made serious attempts to acquire other languages 
in spite of the handicap of his dependence on interpreters 
imperfectly acquainted with English. It says much for 
his perseverance and accurate ear that he was able to 
compile a list of some two hundred Chinese characters 
with transcription and meaning, as well as a list of equal 
length of Malagasy words and expressions, nearly every 
one of which is identifiable. 

The philological student is also indebted to him for 
the earliest known reference to the Custard Apple under 
the name of Anona, and also for early examples of the 
terms Paulist and Kimona. He gives us the word 
" pevetts," an anglicised form of the Spanish pehete, 
incense, and " choa," a Portuguese form of Cantonese 
ts'o, a sea-going junk. Then there is his Sanskrit form 
" haste," for the measure long known as " haut" [hath, 
cubit), and his " turon (turanae) or tay" for the tael, 
which proved a difficult puzzle to solve. He has also 
some unusual spellings and forms, such as " fishgae " 
(for fizgig or harpoon) and " dinedapper " (for dabchick). 

Instead of pluming himself on his increased knowledge, 
Mundy's natural caution and fear of jumping to con- 
clusions seems to increase. He puts forth a tentative 
explanation of the presence of fossil shells at Portland ; 
he leaves the solution of showers of living creatures to 
the " decision of the Learned," he knows " not how '' 
the termites "temper their clay, except with Dew." Of 
the " Religion off the Chinois " he " cannott speake 

1 Consultation at Surat, 12th November 1633 {Factory Records, 
Sural, vol. i). 

M. III. d 


much " ; of the preparation of musk he repeats the 
current erroneous notion, but adds, " This by report " ; 
of the " straunge Beasts, Fowle, Fishes, Fruitts " of 
China, he " setts downe only those Few thatt came to 
My sight," and he leaves a "More ample, exact and 
particular Description off this Most ancient and Famous 
kingdome " to others who had " More tyme, better abillity 
and oportunity to perfforme the same." His deduction 
with regard to the "Manner off catching Flies" by the 
chameleon is correct, but he gives it as "only Myne 
opinion," having heard " some say otherwise." 

Among the digressions introduced in this section of 
the manuscript, the most interesting is Mundy's short 
essay on " The use of the variation off the Compasse," 
a dissertation which has been made perfectly intelligible 
to the modern reader by Lieut. -Com. G. T. Temple's 
illuminating note. Mundy has also a good deal to say 
about climate and temperature, and his final remark 
shows " How in sayling North or South Dales Doe 
shorten or lengthen." 






Haveinge Cleired with the Honourable East India 
Company, whose servant I was^ I prepared to goe downe 
to my freinds in the Countrey. 

Rareties att John Trediscans. 

In the meane tyme I was invited by Mr Thomas 
Barlowe (whoe went into India with my Lord of Denbigh 
and returned with us on the MaryY to view some 
rarieties att John Tredescans^ soe went with him and 
one freind more, where wee spent that whole day in 
peruseinge [examining], and that superficially, such as 
hee had gathered together, as beasts, fowle, fishes, 
serpents, wormes (reall, although dead and dryed), 
pretious stones and other Armes, Coines, shells, fethers, 
etts. of sundrey Nations, Countries, forme, Coullours; 
also diverse Curiosities in Carvinge, painteinge, etts,. 

^ See voL 11. p. 338. ^ See voL 11. p. 323 n. 

' John Tradescant the elder, traveller, naturalist and gardener, 
who died in 1637 or 1638. His son, John Tradescant the younger, 
was probably abroad at this time, as he is known to have been in 
Virginia in 1637 collecting flowers, shells, etc. For an account of botli 
father and son, see the articles in the Diet. Nat. Biog. 

M. III. I 


att 18 or 20000 pounds Sterlinge^ This, as all the rest 
are, conceived to bee rather the home of some fish then 
of a beast, because such a beast now a dayes is not to 
bee found, although discoveries att present are in farr 
greater perfection then they were then. 

Lobster boates. 

Beinge safely arrived and welcomed home by my 
friends, in feiwe dales after I returned to London to 
sell some Indian Commodities that would not off [go 
off, sell] in the Countrey, and tooke my passage in a 
Lobster boate. There are 2 of them that all the Sommer 
longe doe goe and come to the west countrey to carry 
away such Lobsters as are there provided against their 
Comeinge downe by men lefte there on purpose, whoe 
buy them of the fishermen, and keepe them in potts 
till they come for them. Theis boats may carry each 
about 100 dozen, somewhat more or lesse, and in one 
Sommer they may carry away about 14 or 15000 
Lobsters att the least. They take them not aboard 
until the wynde be faire for them, and then they lay 
them on the Ballace [ballast, i.e., in the hold], and comonly 
within 48 howres they arrive att Weymouth. What [with 
being] in the boate and on Horseback before they arrive 
att London, there are neere \ part dead of them, which 
are little esteemed of and sold att low prices. With 
the rest the King's Kitchin is supplied and then the 
Court and Cittie'. 

^ Mundy's estimate of the value of this horn (probably a narwhal's 
tusk) is greatly in excess of that given in " A true Inventorie and 
Appraisement of all the Plate now being in the Lower Jewell House 
in the Tower . . . taken 13 August 1649," where is noted " The 
unicornes homes weighing 40 lb. 8 oz. valued at 600/. os. od." See 
ArchcBologia, xv. 274. Paul Hentzner, however, writing in 1598, 
saw at Windsor Castle " the horn of a unicorn, of above eight spans 
and a half in length, valued at above 10,000/." Travels in England, 
ed. 1892, pp. 72 — 73. This may have been the horn described by 
Mundy, but I have failed to trace its transfer to the Tower. 

^ A century later Cornish lobsters were sent direct to London 
by "Well-boats." See Borlase, Natural History of Cornwall, p. 274. 


The Gullrock. 

Some 4 or 5 miles to the Eastward of Falmouth^ 
wee stopped at a Rocke standing out a Htle in the Sea, 
commonly called the Gullrock^ there to take in some 
Crabbs, which were there taken and kept for the Boate. 
Hither doe resort all the Sea fowle thereabouts to breede, 
as Gannetts^, Gulls, Seameawes\ Shaggs^ MurresS 
Dinedappers', etts., which belongeth to a gentleman 
in the Countrey, whoe att tymes fetch away their Younge. 
Butt att the approach of any neere, there is such a 
fearefuU confused noyse of Sondrey sorts of Fowle, 
old and younge, with multitudes hoveringe and flutteringe 
in the Ayer that it is strange to see and heere. 


From thence by contrary Wyndes wee put into 
Torbay, which in my opinion for forme and bignes is 
the fairest in England, att least wise that I have seene, 
some 5 or 6 miles over, environed with pleasant Land, 

'■ By Falmouth Mundy meant the mouth of the river Fal and not 
the town at the head of the harbour. The name Falmouth, for the 
seaport erected by Sir John Killigrew on the site of the hamlets of 
Smi thick (Smith-wick) and Penny-come-quick (Pen-y-cum-wick), 
was first used in 1661, when it became a corporate town. 

^ Gull Rock lies off Nare Point at the western extremity of Veryan 
Bay, about 5 miles from the eastern extremity of Falmouth Bay. 
" Between Deadman and Falmouth lieth a Rock above Water, called 
The Gull Rock." G. Collins, Great Britain's Coasting Pilot (1756), p. 4. 

* The gannet or Solan-goose (Sula bassana). 

* By " Gulls " and " Seameawes " Mundy may mean either the 
common gull {Larus canus) or the Herring gull {Larus argentatiis). 
Both occur on the Cornish coast. 

* The shag {Phalacrocorax carbo). 

* By " Murres " Mundy may mean either the guillemot (Uria 
iroile) or the razor-bill {Alca tarda). 

' " Dinedapper " is apparently the dabchick or little grebe 
{Podiceps fluviatilis) , though Mr W. L. Sclater, to whom I am in- 
debted for all these identifications, thinks it unlikely that the dabchick 
would be found nesting with the other sea birds mentioned. The 
ordinary colloquial names for the dabchick are dipper and didappero 
There is no example of the spelling given by Mundy in the Oxford 
Ens. Diet. 


yeilding a delightsome prospect through the aboundance 
of Trees groweing round about it. It is Hke the bigger 
Segment of a Circle. 


Next morninge wee departed and soe arrived att 
Weymouth, where haveinge occasion to staye a day or 
two, I went to the Peninsula of Portland, about 2 miles 
from the Towne\ It is almost an Island, only a narrow 
Beach extendinge six miles'^ in length almost by the 
mayne, and Joyneth with it neere to Abbottsbury. 
Betwene the said beach and the Land the sea runneth 
upp Neere 6 miles as aforesaid, somewhat broad within, 
although att the passage not ^ a stones Cast over, 
Heere bredd many Swanns, the Royaltie apperteyninge 
to Sir George Stranginge dwelHnge neere by'. Theis 
have their Winges pinnioned or unjoynted to barre 
them from flyeinge away*. They breede among the 
Sedges on the Shoare and feede on the rootes and tender 
part of the grasse that growes in the water. There 
come divers wild ones amonge them, and in winter 
flock thither in aboundance all sorts of Waterfowle. 

This indraught which cometh about by the Easter 
end of Portland was in hand to bee dreyned to make 
Pasture Land, whereon was spent great sommes of money 
in makeinge of sluces, trenches, etts. [and other] 
Inventions to keepe the Tide from comeing in, as also 
to lett out what is within. But as yet all is to litle 
purpose. This was in July 1635. The maine sea 

1 Four miles by land and three by water. 

- The beach is ten miles in extent. 

■' Mundy means Sir John Strangwayes. The Swannery, whicli 
still belongs to the Earl of Ilchester, a descendant of the Strangwayes, 
was granted to Giles Strangwayes in 1544 and to Sir John Strangwayes 
and his heirs in 1637. See Hutchins, History of Dorset, 11. 723. 

* The Abbotsbury swans are no longer pinioned, but are marked in 
the web of the foot. 


soakeing through the beach all alonge, it is sayd they 
will proceed afresh^ 

Now back to Portland, and somewhat of what is in 
it and about it. In compasse it may bee 5 or 6 miles 
highe land, especially the Easter end, much noted by 
Seamen as one of their marks saylinge alonge the Chanell, 
it makeing an Excellent road betwene it and the mayne, 
with 2 Castles, one of each side, the one named Portland 
Castle and th'other Sandfoote Castle, whoe Commaund 
the said Road and landinge places thereabouts^ The 
Southermost low Cleaves [cliffs] are worth notice, for 
passing betwene the Race and it with our boate they 
appeared like so many gates, portalls, or entrances, soe 
proportionable by nature, that scarce any would bee 
perswaded but that they were Cutt out by Arte, except 
hee were att and in one, as I was in one which was 
infirely seeled [ceiled] over with one flake [layer, sheet] 
of stone, 6 or 7 yards over, supporting the upper earth 

Hard by in those Cleaves breed a Certen sea fowle 
named Pewitts^ ; many of them from hence carried 
to London, where they are kept, fedd and used for 

Right off lies the Race of Portland, avoyded 
by seamen by reason of the tumblinge, ripplinge, 
tempestuous, swelHng waves, occasioned, as they say, 

^ I have been unable to find any confirmation of this scheme for 
draining the Fleet in 1635, and the Dorset archaeologists whom I have 
consulted can throw no light on the matter. Such a scheme nowadays 
would be hopeless unless an embankment were made all along the beach 
to keep out the water. Mr Nelson Richardson, however, thinks 
it probable that in 1635 the mouth of the Fleet, by the present Ferry 
Bridge, was much shallower than it now is, for before the building 
of the breakwater, i.e., in the early part of the 19th century, it was 
possible to ride or even walk across the Fleet at low water. 

^ Portland Castle, com,manding Weymouth Road, was built by 
Henry VIII. and Sandesfoot or Weymouth Castle was probably 
erected at the same time, c. 1530. See Hutchins, History of Dorset. 
II. 806 — 830 and Maton, Observations . . . of the Western Counties of 
England, i. 51. 

^ By pewitt, Mundy means the black-headed gull {Larus ridibundus), 
which, as Plot says was " accounted a good dish at the most plentifull 
Tables." See Nat. Hist, of Staffordshire (1686), ch. vii. paras. 7 — 12. 


by a very strong tide runninge over uneven ground, 
for in one place there may bee but 12 or 13 fathom, 
and neere to it 30 or 40 againe. On the Cleaves, 2 or 
3 fathom above full Sea marke, are store of great Oj^ster 
shells, not as others groweing or sticking fast to the 
rocke, but encorporated into the same, some halfe out, 
some more, some lesse. The like is on Weymouth sides 
on the bancks where now the Sea cometh not neere, 
nor the Springe or wash of it. I have scene in other 
places Rocks whollye compacted of shells, as well 
within as without. The reason may bee that those 
places in former tymes were under water, Oaze or Mudd, 
where those shelfishes did breede and feede. In tyme, 
the sea retireinge, as it is scene by experience, for where 
there was land and Townes now there is Sea, And where 
once shipps rode and boates did rowe are nowe howses 
built and corne reaped ; Many that are now Islands 
in former tymes questionlesse joyned to the Mayne. 
I say, the sea withdrawing it selfe, it was exposed to 
the heate of the Sunn, by whose virtue Mudde, shellfish 
and all became one Rock. 

There I went to the hewers of stone, which was 
carried for the reparation of St Paules church in London. 
There were about 200 workemen, some hewing out of 
the Cliff e alofte, some squareinge, some carry eing down, 
others ladeinge. Some stones there were ready squared 
and formed, of 9, 10 and 11 tonnes weight, as they said ; 
some of them ready squared aloft and sent downe in 
Carts made of purposed Other rough peeces as they 

^ Portland stone began to be freely used for public buildings in 
the reign of James I. and was employed in the repairs of St Paul's 
and the erection of the Banqueting House, Whitehall. 

Mr A. M. Wallis has most kindly furnished me with a description 
of the trolleys which Mundy saw. These were in use up to about 
the year 1880, when cranes and four-wheeled wagons took their place. 
The two-wheeled carts were 4 ft. wide and 18 ft. long, made of three 
ash planks 5 in. thick, fastened by flat pieces of iron on the under side. 
The middle plank was shorter than the two outer ones, which were cut 
away to form the shafts and accommodate the horse. The wheels 
were of solid wood and boxed, more often oval than round ; the axle 


were hewen out of the Rocke, were tumbled downe to 
bee squared belowe, The Rocke or quarry begininge 
alofte within halfe a Yard of the Surface of the earth 
which is of a reasonable good Mould. 

The Island, for soe it is also called, affoards noe 
fewell of Wood, there being very few trees or bushes on 
it\ Perchance by industrey more might bee made to 
growe in it. But I rather thinck the Earth is naturally 
not soe apte to produce them, Tt beinge high, drye, a 
shallow mould, and somewhat stoney in most places. 
With the loose stones they make their hedges or par- 
titions by only pileing them one upon the other (beinge 
fiatt), which resemble Park walls'^ It yieldeth good 
store of Corne, grasse and some hey, store of Cattle, 
especially sheepe, some excellent plaines and levell 

. For Fewell they use Cowdung, kneaded and tempred 
with short strawe or strawe dust, which they make 
into flatt Cakes, and Clapping theni on the side of their 
stoney walls, they become dry and hard, and soe they 
use them when they have occasion. The very same 
fewell, and ordered in the same manner, doe they use 
in India as [Pall] the Country over, by Hindowes [Hindus], 
and Baneanes [Banians, Banyd, Hindu trader] especi- 
ally, which seemed strange to mee^. They finde on 

was also of wood with a bar of iron let in on the under side. A back 
strap of knotted rope fitted on the back pad of the horse and took 
the weight of the load. There were no brakes. These carts carried 
5 tons, and were drawn by a plow of eight horses, i.e., eight horses 
in a string. 

^ Except round Pennsylvania Castle, there are still only a few 
scattered trees on Portland, 

^ Stone hedges are still a notable feature in the landscape of the 

^ Coker, Survey of Dorsetshire, ed. 1732, p. 38, remarks of Port- 
land : — " The Grounde verie good for Corne, and indifferent pasture 
but soe destitute of Woode and Fuell, that the inhabitants are glad 
to burne their Cowe Dung, beeing first dried against Stone Walls, 
with which their Groundes are enclosed alltogether." Cowdung 
fuel was still in use in the middle of the 19th century. Exactly the 
same custom is still common all over India. 


the sea side a Flatt stone which the poorer sort use 
to burne, but it stincketh abhominably in burninge\ 

Heere I saw a black fowle with Yellow Bill and 
Leggs, comonly called Cornish Dawes, many beinge of 
opinion that there were none elswhere to bee scene but 
m Cornewall or neere adjoyninge. For my part, untill 
now, in all that I have gone, I never sawe none out of 
that sheire"'. 

Moreover, Portland Oysters are most esteemed in 
theis parts'^ It consists of one parish. They say it 
hath a Lord whoe hath his Title from iV. A strange 
alteration betwene this and the Maine, the distance 
being soe small. From the foote of the Island to the 
passage^ is about a mile along by the beach, where in 
tyme past were store of Connies, now none, only their 
burroughes and holes yett to bee scene. And soe, 
leaveing the Island, I returned to the Mayne. 

Weymouth Snailes, 
When I came over to Weymouth side, I found there 
on the grass a multitude of small Coulord shell snailes, 

^ Maton, Observations . . . of the Western Counties of England, 
(1794 — 1796), I. 33, 54 — 55, describes this " fossil-coal " as an 
" argillaceous slate in a high degree of impregnation with bitumen, 
and of a blackish brown colour . . . when burnt to ashes it is used as 
manure." Mr Nelson Richardson informs me that the " flatte 
stones " were doubtless shale from the Kimmeridge Clay which is the 
formation at the base of Portland. He adds that Mundy is quite 
correct in his description of the smell. 

- The Cornish chough, Pyrrhocorax (Fregillus) Graculus, a rare 
bird, but Mr W. L. Sclater informs me that it is occasionally found 
out of Cornwall on the British coasts as well as in parts of Europe, 
Asia and Africa. See Carew's remarks on this bird, Survey of Cornwall, 
ed. Tonkin, p. no. See also Borlase's amusing description. Natural 
History of Cornwall, pp. 243 — 244. 

^ Mr Nelson Richardson is of opinion that Portland oysters are 
unknown at the present time. They were formerly found in the 

* The manor of Portland belonged to the Crown from the time of 
Edward IV. until 1800, when it was put up to auction. The first 
Earl of Portland, however, was Sir Richard Westoii (1577- — 1635), 
Charles I.'s Lord High Treasurer, cr. 17th February 1633, and it is 
probably to him that Mundy alludes. 

^ The mouth of the Fleet, now known as Ferry Bridge. 


I as bigg as pease. The people report they dropp out 
of the Ayre, findeing them on their hatts as they walke 
the feilds\ The hke is reported of the raineing of small 
froggs in the Isle of Jersy (where I had formerly bene)'. 
My brother^ also told mee that neere Weymouth hee 
himselfe saw one of theis walking Fires called Ignis 
fatuus, which only Crosse [d] his way without any more 
hurt^ The naturall Cawses of theis things must be 
left to the decision of the Learned, as also of that light 
which is reported to appear on Shipps in or after stormes, 
termed by the Spaniard St Elmo'^ ; heere being of our 
Company that have scene them, gon to them and found 
a Jelly or froth, which soe shined by night, stickinge 
on their Mast Yards, etts. 

Dorchester— Maiden Castle. 

From Weymouth I went to Dorchester. About 
the Middway is a place called the Maiden Castle, because 
they say it was never overcome^ It is now a little 
playne of about I mile in compasse, somewhat ovall, 
neere to roundnesse, on the round topp of a hill, environed 
with 3 high bancks which made two deepe ditches or 
trenches, either of them beinge about 9 or 10 fathom 

^ For notes on showers of living creatures, see Notes and Queries, 
8th series, voL vi. 104, 189, 395 ; vii. 437 ; viii. 493. 

^ Mundy went to Jersey in 1627. See voL i. 144. 

^ No further clue is forthcoming with regard to this individual. 
See vol. II. p. Ixxv. 

* Ignis fatuus, popularly called Will-o'-the-wisp, Jack-o'-lantern, 
corpse-candle, etc. 

^ St Elmo is the patron saint of navigation. 

* Maiden Castle in the parish of Winterbourne St Martin, 2 miles 
south-west of Dorchester, is one of the largest British earthworks 
in the West of England. Mundy is repeating the popular legend 
regarding the name, which became attached to it at least as early 
as the 12th century. The origin of the term " Maiden " in English 
place-names seems to be still unsettled. According to the Oxford 
English Dictionary, the sense may be " a fortress so strong as to be 
capable of being defended by maidens." But the approved derivation 
of the Dorchester specimen is from British rnai dun, great hill, the hill 
of the citadel or burgh. See Hutchins, History of Dorset, ed. 1863, 
"• 575- 


high or deepe, and the circumference of the outer banck 
above ^ a mile — a Worke of great labour ; some Monu- 
ment of the Danes or Saxons Fortification. Also, 
neere to Dorchester is another small place environed 
with a very high and steepe bancke, with a little plaine 
in the midle, of an ovall forme, resemblinge an Amphi- 
theater\ ^ part of a mile about. Lykewise hereabout, 
as on Salsburye plaines, I saw and have scene divers 
longe trenches, one within another on the plaines, of 
greate use in Auntient tymes questionlesse. 


Haveinge ended my busines att London, I returned 
againe downe Into the Countrie, and by the way went out 
of the way to see Basinge howse, the most part thereof 
built as I conceive with excessive Cost, of an exceeding 
height, of brick, but nowe forsaken and left desolate, 
every day expectinge its owne Ruyne and fall, except 
the old howse which yett keepes its forme and state'-. 


From thence I went to the auntient Cittie of Win- 
chester, once 50 and odd parishes, and att present not 
above 12 or 13, the rest within the Walls either voyd 
or turned to Gardens, etts"\ Heere in the old Castle 
in a great hall, att one end thereof is fastned alofte 

1 Maumbury Ring, an amphitheatre south-west of Dorchester, 
on the Roman road to Weymouth. 

^ Mundy is referring to the " New House," the buildings in the 
east court at Basing. These were erected in the middle of the i6th 
century, probably after the completion of the Citadel or " Old House." 
The " New House " was a very magnificent building, costing so much 
to keep up that part was pulled down early in the 17th century. The 
" Old House " was besieged during the Civil War and finally stormed 
(in 1645) by Cromwell, who ordered it to be demolished. See Victoria 
County History, Hampshire, iv. 115 — 119. 

^ Several of the numerous parishes of Winchester were united by 
Bishop Wykeham in the 14th century, and the number was again 
further curtailed in the reign of Henry VII. See Milner, History 
. . of the Antiquities of Winchester, vol. i. 


Kinge Arthurs round Table', conteyninge about i8 or 
20 feete Dyameter, with the Names of the 24 of that 
order written round about as they had their places neere 
the Kinge, whoe had his picture made where hee sate. 

In the Cathedrall Church were sundrey Tombes and 
monuments of antient Kings, as of Lucius, the first 
Christian King of this Land, of William Rufus slayne 
in New forrest, under a plaine long gray marble stone ; 
Alsoe of Queene Emma, wife to Kinge Canutoo, whoe 
ruled before the Conquest, also divers other Noblemen 
and prelates of old, whose bones were lately taken upp, 
and put into litle Ricks or Chests, and placed alofte 
about the Chancell-. From Basinstoake to Winchester 
is about 18 miles, in all which Trackte there were fewe 
or noe habitations att all ; of the same nature with 
Salisbury plaine, serving only for sheepe. 

Entertainment on Sir Wilham Courteens designe. 

1 had not bin longe att home^, but through want of 
my accustomed Imployment, waistinge of meanes and 
some other occasions, I resolved once againe for London, 
to seeke some Voyage or Course to passe away tyme and 
to provide somewhat for the future, which accordingly 
I performed, and arrived there about the end of Novem- 
ber Anno i635\ where I found two good businesses on 

^ Winchester Castle, of which only the great Hall now remains, 
was intact when Mundy saw it. King Arthur's Round Table, 17 ft. 
in diameter, still occupies the gable at the west end of the Hall. The 
Castle surrendered to Oliver Cromwell in 1645 and was subsequently 
demolished. See Victoria County History, Hampshire, iv. 9 — 12. 

2 The term rick (which never appears to have been used for a 
box) is probably an imitative word denoting the shape of the coffers. 
Four only, of the six mortuary chests now standing on the screens 
closing in the presbytery of Winchester Cathedral, were in existence 
in Mundy's time. These four were put up under Bishop Fox (1501- — 
1508) ; the other two are copies made in 1661. See Victoria County 
History, Hampshire, v. 56. 

^ At Penryn, Cornwall. There is a marginal note here, " June 
6th ►!<." The date is probably that of Mundy's return to his native 
town in 1635. 

* Here is a marginal note — " Nov : 30 arrived att London." 


foote, one for India by the Company^, the other a fleete 
settinge forth by Sir WiUiam Courteene, upon an 
unknowne designed soe resolved on the latter, and in 
Conclusion I was entertayned on that imployment, 
which God prosper. 

The Pleasure boate. 

In the Interim, Wilham Courteene Esqr,, Sonne to 
Sir WiUiam^, being to take his passage on a small VesseU 
called the Pleasure boate, of about 7 Tonns, downe to 
Woolwich, to visitt the Shipps and to see in what readynes 
they were, I was willed by Mr Bunnell* to goe downe 
alsoe in the same Boate, which if shee were not built 
for pleasure, yett I thinck it is one of her greatest 
imployment, fitted only for speedy saileinge and good 
accomodation of her passengers, most part of her beinge 
a great Cabbin, furnished with a Table, Carpett, Benches, 
Cusheons, Windowes to open and shutt, painted within 
and without, with two prettie litle brasse peeces on 
Carriages wherein Sir WiUiam and his friends often goe 
and disport themselves on the water from place to place. 
Her other great service, if not Cheifest, is to send advice 
etts. to Sir WilUams shipps bound out or home, lyeing 
in the Downes or betwene London and Dover, of which 
I thinck that every moneth there is one shipp or other 
either goeing out or Comeing home. 

Beinge well provided of meate and drinck for her 

^ At the end of 1635 the E. I. Co. dispatched the Swan to the 
Coromandel Coast, and the Mary and Hari were sent to Surat and 
Bantam respectively early in 1636. See Mr W. Foster's Introduction 
to Court Minutes (1635 — 1639), ed. E. B. Sainsbury, p. xix. 

^ The " unknowne designe " was the outcome of " the Convention 
of Goa which threw open the Indo-Portuguese marts to English trade. 
... A strong fleet was to be provided, which would sail first to Goa 
and then to Macao, and possibly to Japan." Ibid., pp. xv. — xvi. 

^ For the Courteens, father and son, see Biographia Britannica 
(ed. 1789), vol. IV. 

* Samuel Bonnell, to whom Sir William Courteen senior bequeathed 
an annuity of 50/. See Introduction to Court Minutes (1635 — 1639), 
p. xv.f.n., and Calendar of State Papers, Doni. (1633 — 1634), p. 74. 


voyage, away wee went one Morninge, Mr William 
[Courteen], Captane Molton^ Mr Samuell Bunnell, 
myselfe and others, with the Musick entertained to goe 
on the shipps on the voyage. And settinge saile off 
Billingsgate, away shee seemeingly flew downe the River 
of Thames, with a faire Wynde, Colours displayed, 
shooteing off our litle Gunns now and then, the Musick 
playinge all the way in a manner, sometymes the Lowd, 
as Consorts of Cornetts, as alsoe of Hautboys [oboes], 
sometymes againe on the still [soft] musick, as Vyolls, 
soe that, in my opinion, it would have animated the 
dullest spiritt to have forsaken all and followed the Sea, 
had hee but scene or heard us 

Woolwich : The great ship on the Stocks. 

Att Woolwich wee found the Dragon, Sunne and 
Catherine, of whome haveing bene aboard and enter- 
tayned, wee went all a shoare to see the great Shipp 
now on the Stocks a building in Woolwich Docke, 
where Mr Pett the younger, Cheife Carpenter or Artist, 
shewed and related unto the Esquire what hee desired 
to see and heere concerninge her, then carried him to 
his howse, where wee sawe the Moddell or Molde of the 
said shipp, which was shewne unto his Majestic before 
hee began her. The said Modell was of exquisite and 
admirable Workemanshipp, curiouslye painted and guilte 
with azur and gold, soe contrived that everye tymber 
in her might bee seene, left open and unplancked for 
that purpose, verye neate and delightsome. There 
were also the Modells of divers other shipps lately built, 
but nothinge comparable to the former. The great 
shipp itselfe, they say, wilbe ready to be lanched in 
Aprill Anno 1637, ^-^^ supposed that shee wilbe the 
greatest and fairest that ever was water borne of EngUsh 
built. For my part I was astonished to see such a 

^ Captain Robert Molton appears again in Relation xxi. 

t6 since my arrivall from INDIA 1634 [REL. XX 

prodigeous length and breadth, beinge 145 foote by the 
Keele and ^ att the beame. Likewise such a number 

of huge, massie, squared, solid tymbers were never 
seene before in one Vessell. And therefore I thincke 
(as before is said) shee is worthy to carrye the Flagg as 
Admirall of the Seas'-. 

St Paules Church. 

St Paules great Church challendginge the superioritie 
of all land buildings for its antiquitie, greatnesse, 
lof finesse and majestic, especially if the Steeple bee 
repaired as they are in hand with the Church'^ it appearing 
to sight amonge the rest of the Churches and Comon 

1 Blank in MS. 

^ The Sovereign of the Seas, the first three-decker in the British 
Navy, carried 100 guns. In March 1635 Phineas Pett (1570 — 1647) 
was ordered to prepare a model of the ship, which was built by his 
fifth son Peter (1610 — ?i67o) under his supervision. The vessel was 
launched in September 1637, but was not completed until 1638. On 
the 15th August she set sail " to ply it up for the Isle of Wight," and 
was said to steer " exceedingly yarely " and to carry " her lower 
tier well for a ship of three tier and a half." In 1652 she was cut 
down to a loo-gun two-decker. After the Restoration she was known 
as the Royal Sovereign. She was accidentally burnt in 1696 when being 
laid up at Chatham to be rebuilt. One of her guns is still in existence 
at the Rotunda at Woolwich. See Clowes, The Royal Navy, 11. 5 — 7 ; 
Calendar of State Papers, Dom., 1635 and 1636, passim ; Notes and 
Queries, 12 S. 11. 487, iii. 36, 77. For Phineas Pett, see the article 
in the Diet. Nat. Biog. 

^ A marginal note adds : "St Paules Church. The Steeple when 
entire 520 Foot high, the Stone worck 260, the rest or spire of wood 
covered with lead 260, the length of the church 720 Foote, the breadth 
130, the height of the Roofe of the Church 150 Foot — out of Stowes 
Survey of London." The passage is not an exact quotation. See 
Stow, Survey of London, ed. 161S, p. 615. 

The steeple of St Paul's Cathedral was struck by lightning and 
destroyed on the 3rd June 1561. The roof of the nave was also 
damaged. The steeple was never rebuilt, but certain repairs were 
carried out. In the reign of James I. these were found to have been 
fraudulently executed and Inigo Jones was deputed to effect the 
restoration. In January 1632 Bishop Laud made a special appeal 
to the City to contribute to the cost of the work, and Mundy's former 
patron, Sir Paul Pindar, responded by subscribing 10,000/. The 
work of restoration was suspended by the Civil War in 1642, was 
recommenced after the Restoration and was continued up to the 
Great Fire of 1666. See Benham, Old St Paul's Cathedral, pp. 49 — 
50, 66 — 67 ; and for measurements differing from those quoted from 
Stow, see p. 7. 


buildings as a stately Eliphant with an Ambarree^ or 
Indian pavillion on his backe doth in the midle of an 
Armie of horse and foote. Theis 2 wonderfull Structures, 
St Paules for the Land and our great new shipp for 
the Seas, I conceave are not to bee parralelled in the 
whole World. 

The 4th Aprill Anno 1636. This day I was enordered 
by Sir William Court eene to goe downe in a Catch that 
carried some goods, provisions, etts. to the Shipps that 
were all in the Downes, but cheiflye with Mr HilP, our 
Master, etts., to accompany or convoy two truncks of 
plate and Presents. The plate, as I understand, is 
allowed by our Imployers for the service and accomodation 
of the Commanders and Merchants, to the valew of about 
300 li. Sterlinge ; The Presents for Forraigne Countries 
to bee bestowed on Kings, Governours, etts., as occasion 
shall require. 

Betwene the 4th and 14th came downe our Marchants 
and our dispatchers, with Mr Samuell Bonnell. 

The Ann Roy all cast away in the Thames. 

In this interim alsoe happened a most unfortunate 
Accident'^ of which I have heere incerted somewhat, 
as reports went. The Anne Roy all, one of the 4 shipps 
Royall, appoynted Vice-Admirall for this yeres Fleete, 
Mr White Master (one of the 4 Masters of England)* 
being aboard with his wife and daughter and many other 
Seamens wives takeing their leaves, shee beinge bound for 
the Downes, shee unhappilye tayled [ran aground stem 

^ 'Ambdri, an elephant howdah with canopy. 

* John Hill, master of the Planter. His death is recorded in 
Relation xxii. 

^ The accident occurred on the night of the 9th April 1636. 

^ Peter White, one of the four Masters Attendant of the Royal 


foremost] on a banck on Tilbury side in the night, and as 
the Water fell away, shee began to fall over : most of the 
people asleepe^ The Master foreseeinge farther daunger, 
hastned his wife and daughter away, whoe being ashamed 
to bee seene halfe unreadye, delayed the tyme soe longe 
to putt on their apparrell, untill shee suddainely oversett, 
and many perished ; amonge the rest the Masters wife 
and daughter aforesaid. But a Boateswaines Mate, 
not staying his wives leasure, tooke her upp in his Armes, 
would have leaped with her into the Boate, fell betwene 
it and the shipps side, where they both ended their 
loves and lives together. Here was Modestly [sic] and 
love evill recompensed by the Mercilesse Water. 

1 White's explanation of the accident was that the ship " touched 
upon some bank and made a seele [a sudden heehng over]," and that 
" whilst they were loosing the foresail and topsail to run her to the north 
shore," she " suddenly overset to the larboard side." He was found 
culpable for leaving the ship unmoored, and was imprisoned. The Ann 
Royal was refloated in June 1636, but was found to be useless and was 
broken up. See Calendar of State Papers, Dom., 16^5 — 16^6, passim; see 
also Clowes, The Royal Navy, 11. 73 — 74. 











His Majesty of Great Brittaine, Taking into Con- 
sideration thatt this Action tended to the Future good 
of the Common Wealth, Hath outt of his Princely favour 
bin pleased to Countenance, Farther, and protect the 
same against all opposers, who were not a few (and 
those not of the Meanest), Giving therto most large 
Commissions, Licence to Wear the Union Flagge, proper 
only to the Navy Royall, appointing allso a ritche Seale 

^ Facing this Relation is a double-page printed map of Asia by 
Hondius, dated 1631, with the route of the fleet marked in red. 

The full headline in the MS. is " Voyage to China Outwards From 
England unto Goa in East India." 

^ The MS. Journall Conteyning ike memorable passages in the voyage, 
dsc. (preserved at the Public Record Office, State Papers, Dam. Chas. I., 
cccLi. No. 30, noted in the Preface among the contemporary 
accounts of Weddell's voyage to India and China) amplifies and 
elucidates Mundy's narrative. Minor details from this document 
are given as footnotes and important additions incorporated in the 
text in smaller type. To avoid using the cumbrous title of the M.S., 
I have adopted that used in Factory Records by Mr Foster, i.e., " The 
Voj^age of Weddell's Fleet." 

2 — 2 


of armes For this Imploymentt \ viz., a Lyon passant 
gardant beetweene 3 Imperiall Crownes, as per the Figure 
therof here annexed. 

Our Fleete Consisted of 4 shippes and 2 pinnaces as 
abovesaid, Viz : 

The Dragon, Admirall [chief ship], Captain John 
Weddell^ Commander of her as allso of the whole Fleete ; 
Mr Nathaniell Mountney, Cape Merchant in the same 

^t2^?2a^ ' 

No. I. A Scale of Armes. 

kind ; his Brother, Mr John Mountney^ Accomptant ; 
with others. Captain Robertt Molten* went outt allsoe 
on the Dragon. 

The Sunne, Viz Admirall, Captain Richard Swanly, 

^ See Appendix A, Nos. i and 2, for copies of these documents. 

2 Captain John Weddell (1583 — ? 1639) was already known to Mundy 
(see vol. II. pp. 21, 303). There is a notice of him in the Did. Nat. 
Biog. Further details of his life and supposed end are given in 
Appendix B. 

* Nathaniel and John, sons of Richard Mountney, had both pre- 
viously served the East India Company. For a notice of the family Appendix B. 

* If Captain Robert Molton of Courteen's Expedition is the same 
individual as " Mr Robert Moulton " of the Margett, which sailed 
from San Sebastian for England in 1625, then he and Mundy were 
old acquaintances. See vol. i. p. 141. Captain Molton does not 
appear to have been either in the King's or E. I. Co.'s service. He 
returned to England in the Planter in April 1637, having disagreed 
with the other members of the expedition. In 1641 he gave evidence 
in London regarding Captain Weddell's supposed death. He is 
I)robably identical with the Robert Molton of Instowe, mariner, part 
owner of the Phcenix barque, whose will was proved in October 165 1. 
See P.C.C. Wills, 191 Grey. The remark about Molton is given as a 
marginal note in the MS. 


Comander ; Mr Thomas Robinson and Mr Anthony 
Varneworthy, Merchantts, with others^. 

The Catherine, Rere AdmiraH, Captain John Carter ^ 
Commaunder ; Mr Edward Knipe^ and Mr WiUiam 
Baron*, Merchantts. 

^ Captain Richard Swanley, Thomas Robinson and Anthony Vern- 
worthy were all late servants of the E. I. Co. 

Captain Richard Swanley was already well known to Mundy 
(see vol. II. p. 2 footnote) and had previously sailed with Captain 
Weddell. He seems to be identical with the Richard Swanley noticed 
in the Diet. Nat. Biog. who afterwards entered the Royal Navy and 
died in 1650. There was another Captain Richard Swanley also 
in the Company's service from c. 1617, but he was killed (when master 
of the Lion) in a fight with the Portuguese in October 1625. I am 
indebted to Mr William Foster for disentangling these two captains. 
Thomas Robinson's chequered career merits a detailed notice, 
and an account of him is given in Appendix B. 

Anthony Vernworthy was a factor in the E. I. Co.'s service 
from 1624 to 1632 and had been employed in Batavia, Macassar 
and Bantam. There was some demur at the time of his election, 
in February 1624, about his " soundness in religion," as he had served 
a Spaniard and had spent several years in Mexico. But the Court, 
on being assured " that now he is a diligent frequenter of the church " 
and " hath taken the oath of supremacy," was satisfied regarding 
his orthodoxy. On his return to England, in 1632, Vernworthy was 
accused of amassing a fortune by private trade and of tampering 
with the estate of Henry Short, a deceased servant of the Company. 
In defence, he contended that he had saved the Company " by his 
care and good husbandry " more than the value of his estate, and the 
Court " understanding he is an able man," let him off with a fine 
of 200/. On the 19th February 1636 Vernworthy was " nominated as 
factor for Bantam," but he evidently found the Courteen venture more 
attractive. His death at Bhatkal is narrated by Mundy later in this 
volume. See Cal. State Papers, E.I. 1624 — 1634 ; Court Minutes, 1635. 

^ Captain John Carter was also an old servant of the E. I. Co. 
Mundy states {Relation xxiv.) that he was master of the Unicorn in 
1620. From 1624 — 1632 he was respectively master's mate of the 
Star, master of the Swallow, and pilot of the Falcon, returning to 
England as a passenger in the Palsgrave in 1632. He was lost in the 
Catherine on her homeward voyage in 1639. In his will, dated 7th 
March 1635 — 6, John Carter describes himself as "of Ratcliffe, co. 
Middlesex, mariner, now bound forth on a voyage to parts beyond 
the seas." His goods, money, shipping, etc., were bequeathed to his 
wife Lettice, to whom probate was granted on the 8th November 
1641. See Cal. State Papers, E. I.; Foster, English Factories ; P.C.C. 
Wills, 133 Evelyn. 

^ For Edward Knipe's services under the E. I. Co. and Mundy's 
previous association with him, see vol. 11. p. 265, and for a further 
account see this vol.. Appendix B. 

* William Baron was probably related to Benjamin Baron, citizen 
and grocer of London and " free brother " of the E. I. Co., but I have 
found no actual proof, or any reason to identify him with William, 
second son of William Baron of Worcester, clothier, who is the only 
William Baron that I have unearthed at this period. See Cal. State 
Tapers, E. I. ; P.C.C. Wills, 84 Hele and 67 Goare. 


The Planter, 4th shippe, Captain Edward HalP, 
Commaunder, Peter Mundy and John Fortune ^ Mer- 

The Anne, Pinnace, Mr Martin Milward*, Master, 
and Mr Henry Glascocke'*, Merchant. 

The Discovery, Pinnace, Mr Richardson/ Master. 

C^ptaine Robert Molten came allso in our Fleete, 
And Mr John Villers^ brother to my Lord Grandison 

^ Edward Hall, also a late servant of the E. I. Co., was mate of 
the Stay in her voyage to Madras in 1631 and came back to England 
as master's mate in the Royal James in 1633. In 1634 ^^ was master's 
mate of the Jonas and served under Weddell in the homeward voyage 
from India in 1635. He was recommended by Captain Slade as master 
of the Mary in January 1636, but declined " on account of late troubles 
befallen him ; " he subsequently joined Courteen's Association. He 
appears to have died in 1640, for on the 31st July administration 
of the goods of " Edward Hall, bachelor, late of parts abroad," was 
granted to his sisters, Frances Gosse and Deborah Hall. See Cal. 
State Papers, E. I. ; Factory Records ; Court Minutes ; P.C.C. Admons. 

^ John Fortune was one of the few among Courteen's servants 
who had not had previous experience under the E. I. Co. His appoint- 
ment as Chief at Bhatkal and his tragic end are related by Mundy 
later in this volume. 

^ I have been unable to trace any relationship between Martin 
Milward and either John Milward, E. I. Co. 's servant poisoned at 
Achin in 1617, or John Milward, also in the Company's service at 
Bantam, whose will was proved in 1639, though doubtless there was 
some connection. His ship, the Anne, was sold at Macao as related 
by Mundy later in the volume, and Milward seems to have been trans- 
ferred to either the Dragon or the Catherine and to have been lost 
at sea with them in 1639. His goods were administered on the 14th 
August 1641 by his widow Dorothy Milward. See Cal. State Papers, 
E.I., 1617 — 1621 ; P.C.C. Wills, 147 Harvey ; Admons. 

* See vol. II. p. 69 n. for Henry Glascock's previous relations with. 
Mundy and his service under the E. I. Co. The Glascocks were well 
represented in Essex in the 17th century. Henry appears to have 
been the fifth son of Philip Glascock of Hatfield Broadoak and nephew 
and godson of Andrew Glascock of Barking, an " Adventurer " in 
the E. I. Co., who died in 1621. Sec. P.C.C. Wills, 102 Dale. 

^ The Discovery, as appears later, did not reach India. In Mundy's. 
Notes to this volume he narrates her capture on her homeward 
voyage, but he does not give the Christian name of her commander, 
nor have I found any mention of him elsewhere. 

* John Villiers, second son of the first Viscount Grandison, was 
brother of the second Lord Grandison who died in 1634 and nephew 
("brothers sonne ") of George First Duke of Buckingham, murdered 
in 1628. The second Duke of Buckingham (1628 — 1687) and John 
Villiers were cousins, their fathers being half-brothers. There is no 
further mention in the MS. of this early globe-trotter. He died without 
issue c. 1662. Mundy's spelling of the name shows that the modern 
pronunciation is also the early one. 


and brothers sonne to the Duke of Buckinghams Father ; 
the last for pleasured 

The i^th Aprill Anno 1636. Our whole Fleete sett 
saile from the Dowries about 3 of the Clocke in the 
afternoone. The Roy all Mary' bound For India wayed 
some 4 howres before us^ Soe thatt when wee came 
aboutt the 'South Foreland opening of Dover roade, 
shee was run outt of sightt. 

The lyfh [April 1636] beeing Easter Day. Our shippes 
then beetweene Portland and the Starte, Our Admirall 
advaunced our Kings CouUours on his Maine toppe, 
The Vice Admirall on her Foretoppe, The Rereadmirall 
on her Mizzen, And Wee in the Planter att our boltspritts 
end*. The ceremony was solemnized with the report 
of Ordnance — From the Admirall 7, the Viceadmirall 5, 
Rere Admirall 3, From us 3, From every one some ; 
there beeing a smalle vessell in our company bound 
with passengers to Serinam (an Hand in the West Indies 
to the Westward of St Christophers 5) , who would 
willingly have had our Company a while, butt by reason 
shee could not hold us way [keep up with us], wee left 

[The 20th April 1636.] The last of this month wee 

^ This paragraph is given as a marginal note in the original. 

^ See vol. II. p. 313 n. for the voyages of the Mary and for Mundy's 
return in her from Surat in 1634. 

^ According to the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet (State Papers, Doyn , 
Chas. I., cccLi. No. 30), the §hips " lingred a while" off Dover to put 
on shore Thomas Kynnaston and Samuel Bonnell and " in expectation 
of certaine provisions from Sandwich " which did not arrive. 

* In the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet it is stated that this ceremony 
was performed " after the sermon ended." 

* Mundy's geography is at fault. Surinam, now known as 
Dutch Guiana (on the mainland of the north of South America), was 
a thriving centre of English trade at this period. 

^ On the 1 8th April the writers of the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet 
record that a French vessel " neglecting his dutie to the King's flagg, 
was taught better manners by a shott or two bestowed upon him." 
On the 2 1st the iieet fell in with another small French vessel bound 
to England with " divers English " on board, redeemed from captivity 
at Salee in Barbary by " the factors of Sir William Courteene there 
residinge." By " these English " a letter was sent to Courteen. 


saw the Hand of Lansarote^ (one of the Canary lies) 
some 8 leagues offe ; high, Montaynous and Ragged 
land. This nightt Wee lost the rest of our Fleete very 
straungely by following the Catherine, Neither shee 
nor wee observing our Direct order-. 

Here followeth an abstract of the Seamans [sic\ 
observation taken from their Notes^ 

Abstracte of parte of Aprill 1636. 

14. Wee sett saile and came to anchor off of foule- 


15. Sett saile againe and came thwart of Dungeonesse. 

16. Dunnose* in the He of Wight NNE. 

17. Portland 8 leagues off NE. 

18. Dudman" and the Lizard in sightt. 

19. The Lizard in sightt in the Morning. Longitude 

from the Lizard. 
30. Wee saw Lansarote one of the Canaries. 

Sayled in part of this Month the some of Miles 

^ Lanzarote, the most easterly of the group of Canary Islands. 
Mundy had already sighted this Island in April 1628. See vol. 11. p. 5. 

2 In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet {State Papers, Dom., Chas. I.. 
cccLi. No. 30) the occurrence is thus explained : " The Katherine and 
Planter mistaking the light as it seemed, tacked about and so lost 
Company, to our great discontent, which caused us for the better part 
of the next dale to lie still with our sailes brailed upp [furled], supposing 
they had beene a sterne and would have followed us ; but it fell out 

* As in the previous volume, the tabular log supplied by Mundy 
has been omitted. See vol. 11, note on p. 5. 

* Although the original Saxon name of Folkestone appears to have 
been Folcstane or Folcestane, Mundy is following the accepted spelling 
of his time. Colonel J. A. Temple has supplied me with instances 
in 1584, 1673, 1676, 1680 and 1691 of " Foulstone and Foulston." 
The spelling on the old seal of the Mayoralty {temp. Henry VIII.) 
is, however, Folcestaine. 

' Dunnose, a point at the south-east of the Isle of Wight, im 
mediately to the north of Bonchurch. 

* Dodman Point, at the western extremity of St Austell Bay, 


From London to Lancerote, one of the Canary Hands, 
I have sett Downe Miles i860, beeing soe Much by the 
Mappe, Poco mas menos [Sp. A little more or less], 

From London to the Downes deducted 90 

1770 [miles] 
The 1st May 1636. In the Morning Wee had sightt 
of Fuerteventura \ aboutt 10 leagues offe, and supposing 
wee should not bee able to wether Lansarote, wee bore 
upp and steered away E. beetweene itt and Fuerteven- 
tura, where wee passed through a little straight to the 
Southward of a small Hand called el Lobo, or the Wolffe^ 
and there wee had once butt 5 Fathom water, then 7, 
then againe 5, then 8, 9, and a little after no ground in 
20 Fathom. 

I know not whatt some particuler plotts or Valhes 
may produce in those Hands of Lansarote and fuerte- 
ventura, butt forasmuch as Wee could see of it, The land 
was very ragged and barren, Not a tree, bush, or any 
greene thing to bee seene (Allthough it Were now high 
spring tyme) ; Neither was there town, village or house, 
Man or beast to bee Discerned, Wee passing beetweene 
both and very Near unto Lansarote*. 

The 3(i [May 1636]. In the Morning wee Descried a 
fleete of 26 saile*, and comming nearer, wee made them 

^ The island to the south of Lanzarote ; Mundy had previously 
sighted it in April 1628. 

^ They appear to have sailed through Bocayna Strait which 
separates Lanzarote from Fuerteventura and to have passed between 
Lobos Island and the mainland. 

* The Mary had sighted Lanzarote on the 27th April. Her Log 
{Marine Records, vol. lxii.) describes it as " rising reasonable high 
and ragged, piky, full of hummocks or hillocks." Jean de Bethen- 
court, however, who established himself in the Canaries more than 
two centuries earlier (in 1402) and explored both Lanzarote and 
Fuerteventura, found the former " an excellent and charming island " 
inaccessible only on its western side, and the latter " varied by plains 
and mountains," both islands having " villages in great number." 
The Canarian, ed. Major, Hak. Soc, pp. 133 — 139. 

* The Spanish fleet bound for La Plata. See the " Abstracte " 
of May, infra. 


to bee Spanish galleones, and by their course Wee con- 
ceaved they were bound For the West Indies, soe fearing 
Wee should gett noe good by them if Wee came among 
them, wee lay short ^ and kept the wind of them som 
3 or 4 Miles Distance. They steered on their Course, 
only some staid for us and wee made towards them, butt 
nightt comming on, Wee stood away our owne course 

The Ml [May 1636]. Att Nightt our only Consort 
the Catherine, having kept us company hitherto since 
wee lost our Fleete, finding by her sayling how much shee 
lost by staying For us, thincking belike wee mightt bee 
a great hindraunce unto her fetching uppe of the Fleete, 
uppon the sodaine shee sett all the sailes shee could make, 
and withoutt bidding us farewell left us all alone to try 
for our Selves, soe thatt Next Morning Wee could Not 
see her from Our Mayne topmast head. Whither shee 
went for the He of May^ or noe wee could not tell, for 
such a proposition there was, allthough not Determined 

Great Tortoises : A sucking fishe. 

The gth, 10th and nth [May 1636]. Wee saw many 
Tortoises, and with our skiffe tooke 3 of them. The 
least Mightt bee aboutt | C waight [hundredweight]. 
They are like the land tortoises, having Fynnes in liew 
of Feete, and billed like a Hawke ; very good meat.^ 
Uppon one of them wee tooke the biggest sucking fish 
thatt I have yett scene, beeing Neare 14 Inches long, 
coullored like a Conger. There are commonly smalle 
ones found on sharkes backes with their bellies upward, 
as in the figure No. i underneath, having on their heads 

^ For a note on this expression, see R elation xxix. p. 364. 

2 Maio, one of the Cape Verde Islands. 

8 The Hawkbill Turtle, Chelone imhncata. It is not usually eaten 
but is valuable for its shell. Mundy has further remarks on " haukes- 
billed tortoises " in Relation xxxvi. 



l iHIHiii i i III! I I I!' i 






No. 2. A Suckinge Fishe. 



No. 3. Strange Sea Snailes. 


1 \ 


No. 7. A straunge Fowie 
[at Goa]. 

No. 8. A bird with a very long 
slender taile. 

No. 5. A straunge Fowle. 


as it wear the rooffe of a Dogges Mouth, as No. 2 1, with 
which they will cling and hold fast to any thing they meet 
withall, Soe thatt withoutt much violence they will not 
leave their hold. They are sometymes taken with hookes 
and lines, when if they can butt fasten on a rocke, the 
shippe side, etts., they will soe cleave too thatt they 
endaunger breaking the hooke or lyne*. 

Strange Sea Snailes, termed Carvells^ 

The 18th May [1636]. Wee saw a great many shell 
fish, or sea snailes, like those on the land, having att 
the mouth off the shell a lump of white tough Froth 
like Jelly, by which it swymmeth or fioateth. Pricking 
one of them, it distilled some Dropps of a perfit orientall 
azure, soe opened Divers of them and found thatt aboutt 
the head it yeilded that couUored licor, as allsoe purple, 
tawny etts., very lively and shyning. Whither this bee 
any kind of thatt shell fish called Murex (mentioned in 
Histories, outt of whome they Drew that pretious 
purple soe much esteemed of by the antients), I know 
not. The biggenesse and forme thereof I have here- 
under sett*. 

I writt with the licor and it reteyned his couUour. 
It is likely that the said spungy Froth consumes at a 
certaine tyme and then they sinck to the bottome, when 
at a Convenient Season it encreases againe and supportts 

^ See Illustration No. 2 (figures i and 2) and see vol. 11. p. 16, for 
an earlier illustration of these fishes. 

^ Mundy is describing the Echeneis remora or Sucking-fish, with 
the curious disc or shield upon the upper surface of the head and 
shoulders, by which it adheres to smooth surfaces. 

^ The term Carvel is applied to (i) the Paper Nautilus, (2) the 
Jelly-fish, (3) the Floating Mollusc. It is to the last of these, the 
lanthina, that the text refers. 

* See Illustration, No. 3. 

^ Mr. W. L. Sclater informs me that the lanthina, which Mundy 
is describing, is a pelagic Gastropod or Sea Snail, which floats on the 
surface, chiefly in tropical regions. It has a float composed of a series 


[On a separate piece of paper, just beneath the 
illustration, Mundy has made the following note.] 

Outt of Riders Dictionary, printed 1617, thus, among 
the names of Fishes — A purple Fish, a shell Fish, the 
licor whereof maketh purple or violett, Conchile con- 
chilium : n. purpura pelagia Murex : The upper part 
of the fish purple Tracali^. Penrin, February 1649. 

The 2^d Ditto [May 1637]. Wee accidentally and 
happily Mett with our Fleete againe, viz. Admirall, 
Vizadmirall, the 2 Pinnaces and 2 Dutch shippes^ in 
their Company, Soe thatt wee now only wanted the 
Catherine. Our shippes in the Morning espying the 2 
Hollanders abovesaid, Imagining them to bee us and the 
Catherine, steered westward after them, and by thatt 
Meanes came rightt in our Way : otherwise wee had 
Missed them. 

A great gust. 

Wee had this Day a very violent gust before wee 
Mett, which wee prevented [anticipated] in tyme. Butt 
our Viceadmirall by the said gust or Perry' had her 
Maine topmast blowne by the board* with the head of 
her Mayne, and lost allsoe a man which Fell into the 

of air bubbles formed from the animal's foot. Underneath the float 
are placed the eggs. The shell is fragile and purple in colour. It 
has nothing to do with the classical Murex which yielded the purple 
dye. See Cooke, Cambridge N atural History, Molhisca, pp. 126, 411. 

^ John Rider or Ryder, 1562 — 1632, lexicographer and Bishop 
of Killaloe, was author of the Bibliotheca Scholastica, published in 1589. 
The work was recast and edited by Francis Holyoake in 1617, and 
there were subsequent reissues in 1626, 1633 and 1640. The extract 
quoted by Mundy is found in the section entitled " Certaine Generall 
heads of Birds, colours, &c.," under the heading "Pisces — Pastinaca." 
Mundy's rendering is not quite accurate. The passage in the original 
runs as follows: — "Pastinaca: A purple Fish, a shellfish, the licour 
whereof maketh purple or violet, Conchyle, conchylium, n. purpura, 
pelagia, Murex, f. The upper part of the fish purple. Trachali." 

2 In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet these ships are said to be " of 
Amsterdam, bound for Brasill." 

3 Perry, a variant of pirrie, an obsolete term for a sudden squall, 
" half a gale " of wind. 

* Blown close to the ship's deck. 


Sea^ with the topmast and much off the Rigging. The 
Pinnace Discovery lost allso her Mayne topmast. Soe 
here wee had as well cause to bee sorry for their Mis- 
happes as to bee glad for to [sic] our fortunat finding them. 
Immediately all the Carpenters in the fleete were sent 
aboard to helpe make all good againe, which they Did 
in a Matter of a Sevenights tyme, as well as the place 
would affoard. Wee in the Meane tyme lost Much of 
our way, bearing little sayle. They told us they 
wethered Lancarote and passed beetweene it and the 
gran Canaries ^ 

Abstracte of the aforegoing Month of May, 1636. 

I. Wee lost our Fleete. Wee bore uppe aboutt 10 

Clock at Night. 
3. Wee saw the Plate Fleet bound For West India. 
8. Att 8 att night the Catherine went from us 
23. A great gust or Perry of Winde. Wee mett our 

Fleete againe. 
25. Windes variable round about the compass. 

Sayled this Month of May the some of Miles... 1678. 
From the loth untill the end of this Month is or may 
bee accompted Tronados : whatt they are is Described 
in Fol: 24: 115 ^ 

June Anno 1636. 
The 4th Currantt. Wee left the Pinnace Discovery 
beehind beecause shee could not hold way with us, 

^ We learn from the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, Dom., 
Chas. I., cccLi. No. 30) that this was the " Trumpeters mate, who being 
involved in the Topsaile, was drowned." The remaining 12 men "who 
were in the shrouds " were " all saved by Gods mercie." In WeddeU's 
personal Account of the Voyage of Courteen's Fleet {O.C. 1662) he says 
that these twelve " were sorely hurt " and that the " gust lasted 
not above an howre." 

^ This means that they weathered Lanzarote and afterwards 
sailed through the strait between Gran Canaria and Fuerteventura. 

^ See vol. II. pp. 6, 15, for Mundy's remarks on tornados in the 
voyage of 1628, and infra, p. 30 for a further description. 


withoutt bidding her farewell, The tyme of the [year] 
Farre spentt and att present much straightned For the 
gayning our port, so could not stay For her ; Neither 
doe I thincke shee can or will Follow us much Farther, 
but returne homeward Forthwith ^ 

The i.yth [June 1636]. Wee saw a saile and made 
accompt it had bin the Catherine, butt it prooved other- 
wise, For shee made away From us. 

The 20th [June 1636]. Wee left allsoe the Pinnace 
Anne to follow us^ having Instructiones given her whatt 
to Doe and where shee shold Meete with us. 

From the loth May unto the 6th currant, we accompted 
our selves to bee in the Tronados, it beeing extraordinary 
variable weather, as Calmes, sodaine and violent gusts, 
the wind on all points of the Compasse in 24 howeres ; 
much raine, thunder and lightning ^ Shippes beeing 
usually 3 Weekes or a Month ere they can gett clear of 
itt ; att leastwise it hath bin soe when I have com this 
way, it beeing now the second tyme. 

Abstract of the abovesaid Month of June Anno 1636. 

2. A saile scene, butt could not speak with her. 

4. Wee left the Pinnace Discovery beehind. 

9. The Dragon gave the Anne a tow. 

12. Crossed the Eaquator. S. lattitude from hence. 

17. A saile scene, butt could not com nere her. 

^ In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet {State Papers, Dom., Chas. I., 
cccLi. No. 30) it is stated that the Discovery was " a great hindrance 
unto us by reason shee was both very leeward and sluggish of saile," 
and "endangered the losse of our munsoon." She was therefore pro- 
vided with " all necessaries " and ordered to touch at " Augustine 
Bay or the lies of Comoro." Her fate on her homeward voyage is 
related by Mundy in his Appendix to this volume. 

- This was on the 19th, according to the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet. 
The Anne, like the Discovery, being unable to " hold waie " with the 
fleet, her " royalls " (Spanish dollars) were taken out and replaced 
by " victualls and provision of every sort " for five months, and she 
was then left " to pursue her voyage." 

^ In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet, the writers say that they were 
" continually becalmed " from the 23rd May to the 4th June, but they 
mention no hurricanes. 


17 — 21. From the Lattitude of 8 Degrees N. untill wee 
came into 6 Degrees S. Wee found a currant to 
sett SSE 2 or 3 leagues in 24 houres. 
Sayled in this Month of June the some of Miles... 1879. 

July Anno 1636. 
The 26th of this Month. Wee had sightt of Cape Bona 
Esperansa [Good Hope] aboutt 8 leagues off. Nothing 
elce worth Notice^ butt whatt may bee Found in the 
Following Abstracte. 

Abstract of the Month of July Anno 1636. 

14. Crost the Meridian of the Lizard. 

15. From hence East longitude. 

26. Sightt of Cape Bona Esperansa. Easterly longitude 

from thence. 

27. Cape de Agullas [Agulhas] aboutt 10 leagues off. 

29. Sounded and had 65 Fathom. 

30. Land scene aboutt 10 leagues offe. 

Our Shippe hath ran this Month the some of Miles. . .3177. 

August 1636. 
The 12th Cunantt. Wee lay a Try and a Hull 2 
watches and under our 2 Corses ^ 4 watches, beeing very 
much Winde and Foule weather. * 

^ The Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet [State Papers, Dam., Chas. I., cccli. 
No. 30), however, records " a sore gale of winde with a swolne sea " on 
the 8th Jul}^ The Dragon's cabin was swamped and the Sun's " greate 
Cabbin also," but " no farther harme " ensued. 

^ A-try, nautical expression, used of a ship in a gale kept by a 
judicious balance with her bows to the wind. 

A-hull. To strike hull in a storm, is to take in her sails and lash 
the helm on the lee side of the ship, which is termed " to lie a-hull." 
Smyth, Sailor's Wordbook, s.v. Hull. 

Mr. G. T. Temple, author of the Admivalty Pilots for Norway, 
informs me that Mundy's " two corses " indicate the two large sails of 
the old East Indiamen, while in a modern three-masted square-rigged 
ship the two courses are the sails on the fore and main yards. 

^ The Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet records the death, on the i6th 
August, of " one of the musitians aboard the Dragon, being the first 
man they lost in the voyage." 

On the same day the fleet was reckoned to be about 40 leagues 
from Madagascar, where it had been intended to put in " to refreshe," 
but " fearing the losse of the Munsoone, were forced to pretend a 
kinde of mistake of the place for the satisfaction of our sicke men." 


A Carricke^ spoken withall. 

The igth [August 1636]. Wee saw a saile, had sightt of 
her the next Day and the 3d our Admirall sent the barge 
aboard her-. Shee was a Carrick Com from Lisbona, 
bound For India. Shee had in her 800 passengers with 
the Archbishopp of India elect*, and had not toutched 
att any place since her comming From Portugall, Nor 
would not untill her arrivall at Goa^ 

The 2sd [August 1636]. Wee parted with the said 
Carricke, shee intending to keep on and wee to putt 
into Johanna to reffresh our men. 

From the 23d to the 26th of this Month Wee found 
a Currant that sett to the NNW aboutt 17 or 18 leagues 
in 24 howers. 

Anchored at the Hand of Johanna'. 

The 2jth [August 1636]. Att 12 Clocke att Nightt 
Wee came to Anchor att Johanna in the bay on the 
North side, aboutt a Mile off of the queenes towne.* 

^ Carrack, carrick (O.F. carraque, Sp. and Port, carraca), a term 
applied in the i6th and 17th centuries to large Portuguese ships of 
burden, also fitted for warfare. 

" The Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet is very full on this encounter with 
the Portuguese vessel. Thomas Robinson, merchant, was deputed 
from the Sun to take a letter on board, and at his request the captain 
of the carrack " altred their course to stand with our fleet." Salutes 
were then exchanged and " Conserves " sent to the " Admirall," who 
presented the Archbishop with " butter, sack, cheese, &c." From 
this " Carracke, to our greife, we understood that the Conde de Lynharas 
[Linhares], the old viceroy, was gone for Portugall, and by them we 
sent a letter to his successor, Don Pedro de Silva." 

* Dom Fr. Francisco dos Martyres. He took charge of the diocese 
on the 2ist October 1636 and died at Goa on the 25th November 
1652. For his predecessors, see Fonseca, Sketch of the City of Goa, 
p. 72. 

* Weddell, in his own account of the voyage [O.C. 1662) says 
that the " Carrick . . . was not minded to touch anie where, although 
shee had loste 120 men in their passadge, and manie sick." 

* Anjuan or Johanna, the second in size of the Comoro Islands. 
In 1628 Mundy had landed at Mohilla, another of these islands. 

" See infra, where Mundy calls this place " Chamoodo." 


The Roy all Mary : An unfortunate accident. 

Here wee found riding the Royall Mary who had 
sett saile some 4 hours before us From the Downes. 
Shee had toutched att Cunny Iland^ by the Cape, as 
allsoe att Augustine bay on Stt Lawrence ^ Their 
Worthy Commaunder Captain James Slade Died in 
the Tronados nere the lyne and was buried in the Sea*. 
The shippe riding betweene Cunny Hand and the Maine, 
aboutt 15 leagues to the Northward of Cape Bon esperansa, 
their boats Comming From the said Hand and almost 
aboard, there came soe Much wind on the sodaine thatt 
they could not fetch the shippe, Neither could they 
in the shippe helpe them, having veared 3 or 400 Fathom 
of Hawser with booies [buoys] to them. Butt all would 
not avail, For they Drove still. Soe they [in the ship] 
Made accompt they Would returne to the Hand againe. 
The next morning they sent From the shippe, butt 
found no signe of them, Neither on the Hand Nor all 
thereabouts, allthough they used all possible DilHgence. 
There were in the said boate one Mr [blank] Price*, their 
Cheiffe merchant, a Pursers Mate, a boteswaines Mate 
and about a dozen More of their ablest Men. The boate 
is supposed to have struck against some rocke and soe 
swalled [to have been swallowed] in the sea Men and 

1 Coney, now known as Dassen, Island, 35 miles north of Cape 

^ St Augustine's Bay on the south-west of Madagascar. In the 
Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet (loc. cit. p. 31, n.) it is stated that the Mary 
had " bene at Augustine Bay and refreshed there, but could tell us 
no newes of our Katharine, Anne or Discovery." 

' Captain Slade died on the 2nd June of "a strong burning 
feavour " after ten days' illness. He was buried on the following 
day with a salute of fifteen guns and three volleys of small shot. See 
English Factories, 1634 — 1636, p. 305. In his final Appendix to his MS. 
Mundy notes the remarriage of James Slade's widow. 

* William Price was elected factor on the 15th January 1636 for 
seven years, " he promising to abstain from private trade beyond 
the allotted allowance." Sainsbury, Court Minutes, 1635 — 1639, p. 143. 
M. III. 3 


all. One Mr Bayly ^ now supplies the place of the 
Commaunder in the said shippe. 

A Designe for the Red Sea : An ill beginning therof. 

Yett a little more by the way. You are to understand 
that in Aprill 1635 One Mr Richard Ovill^ in the 
Samaritaine and Mr Eyres' in the Roebucke sett forth 
by Private Men on some secret Designe. Wee heard 
here how thatt they lost one another att sea. The 
Roebuck saved her Monsone* and proceeded to the Red 
Sea, where they mett with a ritch Prize and with her 
returned to Mallala^ an Hand 16 leagues hence. In 
the meane tyme the Samaritan was arrived at the said 
place, and anchoring in Foule ground, Fretted her Cables, 
Drove ashoare and was Cast away. Captain Ovill and 
most of his Men Died soone after of Sicknesse. The 
Roebuck comming as abovesaid. tooke in the rest of the 
Men, Ordnance and whatt elce was worth the saving 
out of the broken shippe. On the back of this comes 
in thither the Swanne, Master John Proud ^ beelonguing 
to the East India Company. Hee takes From the 
Roebucke, Will they Nill they, aboutt 9 000 Is. sterling 
in Coine, with 2 of their Men, goes For Suratt, where 
they say the President and Merchants are in trouble 
beecause the Juncke beelongued to thatt place. Some 
of this Was knowen by letters found here by the Mary ; 

^ William Bayley had been appointed master of the Mary on the 
loth February 1636. He brought the ship home in 1640 and was 
subsequently master of the Reformation and commander of the 
Crispian and William. 

2 Richard Ofield or Oldfield. 

' William Ayres. 

* Favourable season for sailing. See Indian Antiquary, vol. xxx. 
PP- 393 — 395,for examples of the various senses of the term "monsoon." 

* Mohilla or Molala, the smallest of the Comoro Islands. 

® John Proud, who came home with Captain Weddell as master 
of the Jonas in 1635, was chosen (on Weddell's recommendation) 
master of the Swan in September of that year. Sainsbury, Court 
Minutes, 1635 — 1639, p. 93. 


the rest by relation of the Country people. The Roebucke 
after this came to Johanna, there sheathed, and then 
returned to the Red Sea againe to seeke satisfaction 
of her former losses ; butt it is thoughtt the Companies 
shippes will way lay her, who goe seeking out for her^ 

The Last of this Month the Mary sett saile from 
hence bound for Suratt, butt it is conceaved shee will 
first to the Mouth of the Red Sea for the purpose 
aforementioned -. 

I am perswaded thatt from some one place hereaboutts 
may bee seene at once these 4 Hands, viz. Mayotas, 
Mohilla or Malala, Johanna and Comoro (commonly 
called the lies of Comoro), for wee saw three of them 
from hence, the 4th beeing shutt in by another. 

Abstracte of the aforegoing Month of August 1636. 

12. Much wind, raine, thunder and lightning. 

15. These 2 Dales a great currantt setting NNE. 

16. This Nightt wee lay a Try. 
19. Wee saw a saile. 

21. Wee made the said Saile to bee a Carricke. 
23. Wee parted with the said Carricke. 

^ For a full account of the piratical venture of the Samaritan and 
the Roebuck (countenanced by Charles I.) and its disastrous con- 
sequences to the English at Surat, see Foster, English Factories, 1634 — 
1636, pp. xix — xxix. 

There are also details of the end of the design in the Voyage of 
WeddeU's Fleet, the writers of which considered it to be a great over- 
sight on Captain Proud 's part to have allowed the Roebuck to escape, 
for " if he had authoritie to seize the stolne treasure, might also have 
destroyed the Pyrates." They add — " Howsoever it fall out, we 
are certainlie lost in anie designe to the Norward, for it will be im- 
possible for us to land anie goods or mainteine anie traffige [sic] in 
the Mogulls Dominions without seizure both of our persons and estates, 
so that our intent of sending home large quantities of indicoes, &c. 
this yeare will we feare be wholie frustrate and what other troubles 
in other parts maie ensue is uncertaine, though much to be doubted." 

^ By the Mary was sent " a Coppie of his Majesties letter to the 
English President at Surrat, as likewise a few lines to Condole his 
■disaster and to vindicate our selves from being anie waie allide to 
that or the like actions." See Vovage of WeddeU's Fleet and O.C. 



25. These 3 Dales a greatt Currant to the NW. 

26. Mayotas and Johanna seene 10 leagues offe. 

27. Malala and Comoro seene. Anchored at Johanna. 

Sayled in these 27 Dales of the Month of Augustt the 
some of Miles 2159. 

Extract from the Voyage of WeddelVs Fleet {State 

Papers, Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30) 

Limitation of Private Trade. 

26 September 1636. A Consultation was called 
aboard the Dragon, wherein amongst other matters 
an order was concluded for the limitation of private 
trade and the prevention of sundrle abuses, It 
havelng latelle come to our knowledge that Captalne 
Robert Moulten had pretended title and Interest to 
above 20 Tuns of Cordage, Lead, Iron, shott, tarr, 
tempred stuff, &c., In that one shlpp alone, besides 
greate quantities In the other shlpps, which grosse 
abuse to the Imployers caused much amazement 
amongst us all. The Purser [Christopher] Parr 
likewise made clalme to 10 plggs of lead &c. so that 
a prohibition was published for the Landlnge of 
anle Comodltles except the Companies. 

Of Johanna Hand. 

The Hand of Johanna May bee aboutt 24 leagues in 
circuit \ very high land, all though the highest toppes 
of all are very greene and overgrowne with trees and 
bushes, occasioned by the Moisture of cloudes, Mists 
and Fogges which Frequently hang over and about 
them, which is allsoe the Cause of soe many little rivers 
and brookes thatt Dlscend From thence roundabout 
the Hand. It may have aboutt 40 smalle townes, wherof 
2 wee saw, which wee call the Kings towne and the 

^ The island is 30 miles long and 20 at its greatest breadth. 



queenes towneSbythem named Villanee and Chamoodo^ 
built by Arabian Mahometanes' aboiitt such tyme as 
the Portugalls came first to India. The walles of their 
houses yett remayne, very substantial! and Firme, of 
lyme and stone* ; streets very narrow. Thatt generation 
beeing Dead and their offspring fallen to poverty, all 
is gon to mine, these now making use of the old walles ; 
none to bee seene new built. Butt those new houses 
they now make are of the leaves of the Coconutt tree, 
very prettily contrived and woven. The Inhabitantts 
are Mahometanes generally, poore, blacke, unhandsome 
and unholsome, as appeares by the sores and scarres 
that are uppon Many off them^ ; there beeing some 
Arabian Merchants here thatt goe and come at certaine 
Seasons, trading to the North end of St Lawrence 
[Madagascar] For ambargreeceS slaves, etts., where, by 

^ The " queenes towne " was probably the residence of the " ould 
■woeman Sultaness " of all the islands, whom Roe mentions in 1615. 
She died before Herbert's visit in 1626, for he says that Johanna 
" lately obeyed a Queen rectrix much commended for sagacity, but 
now submits to a King." The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, ed. Foster, 
I. 18 ; Herbert, Some Yeares Travels, p. 25. 

2 The two chief towns of Johanna are Johanna Town or Mous- 
samoudou on the north side of the island, and Pomony on the harbour 
on the south-west side. Mundy's " Chamoodo " may represent 
Moussamoudou, but I have found no contemporary name at all akin 
to Villanee, unless it is the Vaone of Add. MS. 5415 H. 4. In that 
case Vaone or Villanee cannot be identical with Pomony, which is 
also marked, as well as " Occobany." Other 17th century maps 
{Shane MS. 3665 and K. Maritime vi. 1(107) give Chusan Town and 
Pomony as the two chief places in Johanna. 

^ The inhabitants of Johanna are of Arab origin. 

* Thirty-six years later Fryer also was struck by the massive 
nature of these ruins. Fryer's East Tndia and Persia, ed. Crooke, i. 60. 

' Mundy seems to be alluding to scars such as those which dis- 
figured the inhabitants of Comoro Island when William Rivett visited 
it in 1609 : — " They have three markes burned of their faces whilst 
they are yonge, to say, one of the each syde of the eye and one upon 
the forehead betweene the eye browes ; which makes them saye the 
Moores of the Hand of Comora have five eyes. It is a great disfiguringe 
to their faces, both of men and women being personable and well 
lymmed. Marine Records, No. vii., quoted in the Journal of John 
Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 28 n. 

^ See Fryer for a definition of this substance and contemporary 
allusions to it. He says that this commodity was obtainable at 
Johanna, op. cit. i. 68 n. 


report, the people are more Civill and Industrious then 
those att Augustine bay where I was last voyaged 

Here were a Couple of Juncks, wherof the one not 
yett finished, of nere lOO tunnes burthen, on whome 
I could not see any Naile, spike or other Iron worke, 
shee beeing all sowed together 2. With these they traffick 
as aforesaid, as allsoe to the Coast of Melinde^ and Arabia. 

Wee here found very good Reffreshing, as good water. 
Beeves, goates, hennes, plantanes, Coconutts, Orenges, 
lymes and very good Toddy*, Ryalles of eight ^ beeing 
our best barter, viz., 2 Ryalles of eight For a bullocke, 
I Ryalle For a good goate, or 2 smalle ones, 5 or 6 hennes 
For I Ryalle ; Goates and hennes Deare ; all the rest 
reasonable.® Wee had any thing (beeves excepted) 
in truck For Callico, Knives, Cotton, Woole, etts. Of 
the latter [cotton] here groweth some, allthough butt 
little, there beeing a few poore Weavers here. 

Strange buUockes, 

Among their bullockes here, as allsoe in India, I Doe 
remember to have scene some whose homes hang Downe- 
ward and Doe shake to and Fro as the}/ goe, beeing 
Naturally loose in their heads'. They are not common 
to bee seene, butt here and there one by Chaunce. 

1 Mundy spent ten days at Madagascar in his outward voyage 
to India in 1628. See vol. 11. pp. 7 — 8, 12 — 13. 

" See Fryer's description of a similar vessel in course of construction 
when he was at Johanna. Fryer, East India and Persia, ed. Crooke, 
1. 65. See also Linschoten, Voyage to the East Indies, ed. Burnell, 
I. 32 n. 

' Malindi, a port of British East Africa, visited by Vasco da Gama 
in 1498. 

* TdrJ. See vol. 11. p. 32 n. 

' The piece of eight reals (Spanish dollar) was worth four shillings. 

* On Mundy's second visit to Johanna, in 1655 [Relation xxxvi.), 
bullocks were rather dearer, fetching from two to four reals of eight, but 
goats and " cocks and hens " were cheaper, the former from half a 
dollar upwards and the latter at ten or twelve for a dollar. 

' Mr W. L. Sclater informs me that humped bullocks with loose 
horns are occasionally found in India, but not as a special variant 
of the Humped Ox or Zebu, the malformation being artificially brought 





n::^-^ . 



No. 4. A Cataracke of Water, 


A Cataracke of water, with other Curiosities of 
Near unto the queens towne or Chamoodo comes 
Downe a pretty brooke, and aboutt J Mile upp it makes 
2 Httle Falles, under which are 2 pretty pondes where 
our Commaunders and people of all Degrees resort 
sometimes to Wash themselves. My selffe and 2 more 
went uppe a good Mile |- above the said pondes, keeping 
along by and in the brooke untill wee were stopped at a 
place exceeding high and steepy on all sides. From whence 
came Downe 2 other falls off a wonderfull height, which 
maid the said River. The Fathermost by computation 
could not bee lesse then 20 Fathom perpendicular. For 
soe the streame Fell withoutt toutching any part of the 
banck From the toppe untill it fell into a Curious tancke 
or pond Neare circular ^ Some of the water in Falling 
that great Distance was soe Diffuzed and rarified that 
it resembled a pretty small shower of Raine, a Delicate 
coole ayre, a perpetuall Drumming Noise, butt above all, 
when the Sunne was opposite, there was at the Foote 
of the Fall presented to your view as perfitt a Rainebow 
in all his various glorious Coullours as that wee see 
sometimes in the cloudes, wanting only biggenesse. 
This Might not bee much above 15 or 16 Foote Diameter, 
occasioned perhappes by the opposition off the sunne 
beames (about 2 of the clocke afternoone) against thatt 
small Dispersed raine or Mizzle, backed with a black 
banke. It may bee artifically Don, For a man shall 
somtymes see a part off a Rainebow before a shippes 

about by the owners when the animals are young. De Morga (ed. 
Stanley, p. 275) also remarks on loose-horned cattle : " Cows . . . 
from China and New Spain. Those of China are a small cattle . . . 
with very small crumpled horns, and some beasts shake them." 

^ Mundy paid a second visit to Johanna in 1655 and has further 
remarks in Relation xx^wi. on the " great " and " lesser " falls. Grose 
also alludes to the natural cascades in Johanna. See his Voyage to 
the East Indies, i. ig. 


bow in a head sea on the springes or water thatt the shippe 
hath Dashed and Driven in to a Mist. The place where 
these things are is allmost encompassed with very high 
banckes, having at the one side a spacious cave or grota. 
In my mind it is very fine place For awhiles solitari- 
nesse, aswell For the rare and straunge prospect as For 
its extraordinary coolenesses, required and Desired in 
hott Countries. The manner therof I have here undersett 
in figure-. 

Perriwinckles in a Fresh water River. 
In the aforesaid River wee saw som Cray Fish, allso 
a small shellfish sticking and cleaving fast to the Rockes 
and stones, like as lympetts Doe with us ; butt these are 
of another shape, somwhatt like perriwinckles*. Mee 
thought it straunge to find such in a Fresh River Far 
uppe from the Sea. 

A strange Pond and strange stories of it. 
There is by report aloft among the toppes of the 
Hilles a large and Deepe tancke or lake, of which are told 
strange stories (beeleeved by some), as that it hath no 
bottome, butt thatt there is a passage From thence 
into the Sea and thatt certaine blacke Fowle ly hovering 
over it and take any sticks or leaves thatt should Fall 
into it to Defile it : superstitiousl}^ great holinesse and 
respect to the said pond. The Chiefe of the Hand resorting 
1 hither once a yeare to wash themselves and to performe 
certaine ceremonies to it. They hold allsoe if any 
.straunger should Chance to wash in it, it would bee 
polluted and thatt then the Hand would suffer Calamities, 
as sicknesse. Dearth, Death, Foule wether. This is 
the peoples opinion of the said Pond as I was told by 

1 Combing. Mundy is describing the rainbow effects produced by 
a high forward sea breaking into mist and foam. 

- See Illustration No. 4. 

■"■ Mr W. L. Sclater thinks that Mundy is here describing the 
Neritina, a small Gastropod inhabiting brackish and fresh water. 


some thatt speake guzaratte or Indostan. There bee 
allsso some that speake Portugues. I say the opinion 
they have of this pond makes them unwiUing to permitt 
any straunger to goe uppe. I my selff assaid to obtaine 
leave to goe upp with a guide, butt I could [not] procure 
it For love nor mony. I Doubtt nott butt a Pond 
there is, and I heare by their wordes it is held in greatt 
Veneration. AUsoe such black foule there bee and that 
they take leaves and trash outt of the Water (or seeme 
soe toe Doe) is true, Our Men having seene them Doe it 
att the Watring place ; the rest fabulous. Devised to 
breed admiration and respect. I Never heard thatt 
any English yett have bin aloft, allthough some Desired 
itt, and all or most can speake off it^ 

I went to the next towne called Villanee and by us 
the Kings towne, one of the 2 aforementioned, either 
of them having a pretty little Mosche with a smalle 
tower. Comming backe From thence, I spentt that 
afternoone in ascending and Discending a high hill 
where I was told Captain Feilding^ went uppe. It is 
the highest of the grassy hills. For the highest hilles of 
all are covered with trees as aforesaid' ; The grasse 

^ Mundy is describing the large lake, probably the crater of an 
■extinct volcano, situated at a considerable elevation in the mountains 
at the back of Pomony. In 1862 Captain Algernon de Horsey stated 
that it was said to be fathomless and was held by the natives in 
superstitious dread, porcupines, alligators and birds without wings 
being reported to haunt its vicinity. See his paper on the Comoro 
Islands, Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc, 1864, pp. 261 — 262. 

Mundy's account is of great interest as showing that he got his 
story from speakers of Gujarat! or Hindustani or from Portuguese, 
all presumably immigrants from India. These must have given him 
a version of the local tales coloured by the superstitions of the Hindus 
as to sacred pools and not by those of the Muhammadan settlers. 

* Captain Feilding a " kinsman " of William Feilding, Earl of 
Denbigh, was permitted to sail with that nobleman in the Mary bound 
to Persia and India in 1631. The ship made a prolonged stay at 
Johanna in July 163 1, when Captain Feilding would have had an 
opportunity of exploring the island. See Cal. State Papers, E. I., 
1630 — 1634, p. 96 ; Foster, English Factories, 1630 — 1633, pp. xvii. — 
xix., 161. 

' The highest peak in the island, Johanna Peak, is 5177 ft. above 
the sea. 


here very rancke which they usually sett on fire, and then 
it springeth againe From the rootes Fresh and greene 
in a short tyme. Here they putt their Flockes and heards 
to Feed. From this hill inward I saw a reasonable 
spatious plaine, aboutt 5 or 6 miles in Compasse, where 
it seemes they sow graine, For it was Divided in tO' 
Squares and pertiones^ as our English Feilds, Plaines 
are here scarce excepting Neare the Sea Side. It is a 
very good soile For pasture allsoe, the lower Woodes 
betweene the hilles producing sundry sorts off Fruites, 
Flowers and herbes unknowne unto us : among the rest 
a Curious smalle and sweete Orenge, commonly by us 
called China orenges^ ; A white hunnisuckle of a 
pleasaunte smell, somwhatt like to that of a Muskrose^ 

The better sort of the Inhabitants apparelled like 
Moores [Muhammadans] , the poorer sort naked excepting 
somwhatt aboutt their middle, butt the Weomen cover 
over their brests and all, holding it a shame to have them, 

September Anno 1636. The 3d Currantt wee sett 
saile From Johanna*. 

Sundry land fowle come aboard. 

The 22d and 2^d [September 1636] came sundry land 
Foule aboard, viz., a Hawke, a quaile, swallowes, and 

^ There is no instance of this spelhng of " portion " in the Oxford 
English Dictionary. 

^ Sir David Prain informs me that the fruit Mundy is describing 
is most probably the Citrus nobilis, or Vangasay. It was noted at 
Madagascar in the 17th century by Dubois {Voyages, 1669 — 1672, 
ed. Oliver, p. 63) : — " Small oranges, which they name Vangasecs 
[Vangasay], which are better than the oranges of China and Portugal." 
Fryer, who also saw this fruit at Johanna, refers to it as of " a pleasing 
sort, though small, not giving place to our China ones, tempting the 
Sight from a more exalted and less suspicious Tree " (Fryer, ed. 
Crooke, i. 63). 

^ Sir David Prain is of opinion that Mundy's " white hunnisuckle " 
may be the Jasminum auriculatum, a climbing plant with white fragrant 

In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet [State Papers, Dom., Chas. I . 
cccLi. No. 30) the date is given as the evening of the 2nd September. 


another straunge Foule with a bagge or receptacle in 
his throate. It was butt a small bird, not soe bigge as 
a turtle Dove, butt it would make an unmeasurable 
and an affrighting Mouth when it was offended, gaping 
in such an extraordinary Disproportionable wide manner 
that it seeme[th] this property was given to it as its 
speciall point of Deffence, viz., to affrightt rather then 
bite^ as per the Figure here sett Downed 

These aforesaid fowle Made us Imagine our selves 
to bee Farre Nearer the land then wee found our selves 
to bee afterwards. 

The 2yth [September 1636]. Wee saw many smalle 
Crabbes swimming on the top of the Water. 

Brave sailing. 

From Johanna hitherto all this Month Wee had such 
another parcell of Sailing as wee had beetweene Cape Bon 
esperansa and St Hellena last voyage homeward bound : 
A sett of faire weather, a gentle gale, a smooth sea ; 
all these constant hereawaies at the tyme of this 

Abstracte of the abovesaid Month of September 1636. 

3. Sett saile in the Morning from Johanna. 

4. Longitude from Johanna. 

5. The 2 formers should have bin the 4th and 5t. 

II. Crossed the Eaquinoctial. From hence North 

^ Mr W. L. Sclater informs me that the " straunge foule " is 
undoubtedly a species of Prion, probably Prion Vittatus, the Broad-billed 
Blue Petrel. It is a small bird with a slaty-blue or dove-coloured 
plumage and a very wide bill and gape. It has also a dilatable bag 
on its throat and is not uncommon in the Indian Ocean. See Stark 
and Sclater's Birds of South Africa, iv. 488, 490. 

* See Illustration No. 5. 

' Here used in the sense of trade-wind. See note * on p. 34. 


i8. A currantt to the Northward : 17 leagues in 24 
Sailed in these 27 Dales of this Monthe the some of 
Miles 2573 

\6th] October 1636. Att our approaching Near the 
Roade of Goa, Our AdmiralU sent the barge with Mr 
Vanworthy [Vernworthy] and Mr Robinson ashore with 
a lettre to the Vice Roy, who wear Freindly receaved. 
The next Day, beeing the 7th, The Galleones were under 
saile and came out to meet us, where the wellcome 
salutation passed Freely on both sides by report of the 

The Arrivall att Goa. 

The 8th [October 1636]. Wee came within, under 
commaund of the Fort or Castle of Bardesse^ and 
anchored close under it. Then had wee the best peale 
of Ordnance that I ever yett heard. The Plattfforme 
within us, the Galleones without us and wee in the 
Middest, all sides letting Fly. Fo[r] with such a thund- 
ring Noise and redoubling eccho From the shore, thatt 
to them thatt knew us not to bee Freinds, it would 
appear as though wee were in a very hott Fight, the Fort 
and Galleones against us and wee against all. There 
were of the galleones 6 or 7, It beeing the Portugalls 
Fleete of Defence usually riding and keeping this port^ 

^ The fortress of Agoada, erected in 1612, which encloses the 
peninsula at the S.W. of the province of Bardez and forms the northern 
extremity of Goa Bay. 

^ The Portuguese fleets which cruised to the north and south of 
Goa to guard the western coast of India against pirates (the Armada 
do Norte and the Armada do Sul) consisted at the beginning of the 
17th century of 60 large vessels and two small ones, but at this date the 
power of the Portuguese was rapidly declining and with it their naval 

With regard to the " Fleete of Defence," the crew of the London, 
which touched at Goa in 1636, reported that " of the 6 galleons, 4 
were old and leaky and none carried more than 36 guns " ; the two 
others " were strong wellbuilt vessels having 60 guns, but they were 
\Aithout men or crew." Hague Transcripts {Translations) ist series, vol. 
X. No. 328. 


Abstracte for 8 Dales of the Month of October 
Anno 1636. 

4. Land sene 10 leagues off. Sounded : sofft oozy 

ground in 50 Fathom. 

5. Sounded againe and had 17 and 18 Fathom. 

7. Anchored in 7 Fathom water. 

8. Anchored under the Fort in 3^^ Fathom. 

Sayled in 8 Daies of this Month the some of Miles. . .309. 

Extract from the Voyage of Wedddl's Fleet {State Papers, 
Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30), 

The Reception of Courteen's Agents at Goa. 

6 October 1636. By the Almighties Conduct the 
good shipps Dragon, Sunn and Planter fell with the 
Coast of India and ancored the next dale in the 
Outer road of Goa ; and forthwith, according as had 
bene formerlie concluded, Anthony Venworthie, 
Thomas Robinson and Robert Moulton were dis- 
peeded in the barge to the Cittie with a letter to 
the viceroy as in the booke of letters. Passinge by 
the road, they went aboard the Admirall of the 
Galloons, whose fleet consisted of 6 saile (besides the 
Carracke whom we had formerlie mett at sea, who 
arryved 4 daies before us) and were kindlie welcomed 
by Don Francisco Tello de Meneses [? Dom Antonio 
Telles de Menezes], the generall, and so preceded 
to Goa, where they found the new old viceroy much 
disturbed with the newes of his brothers death, 
which he had latelie received out of Portugall, 
and being at all times inclyninge to a dotinge kinde 
of melancholic, he was now, it seemed, in an extra- 
ordinary fitt ; but after some few houres waiting 
in the Chamber of presence, a Page came to demand 
if there were ever a Captaine amongst us, for with 
no worse man would his excellence speake. There- 
upon Captaine Robert Moulton was presented and 
the letter delivered to him, to which was returned 
little or no answere for the present, but onlie a 
verball welcome, desiring that our men might be 


kept in good government &c., and soe they were 
dismissed, being accompanied by one Padre Paulo 
[Pablo Reimao], a Dutchman of the societie of 
Jesus, who is one that hath bene imployed from the 
begininge to labor the peace with the English at 
Surratt. With him they went to the Jesuits College 
and there dined, and after leave taken, returned 
with the barge down to the road, where they found 
our shipps comeinge in, betweene whom and the 
Galleones and Castles of the Aguada was much 
freindlie strife who should exceed other in curteous 

8 October 1636. Haveing moored our shipps 
and ordred our occations belowe, the Veador de 
fazende^ and other men of noate haveing likewise 
bene aboard and given us the welcome, Captaine 
John Weddell (accompanied with all the merchants, 
Comanders and prime persons of the fleet) passed 
upp to the Towne and was kindhe welcomed by 
the Viceroy under his cloth of state in a full presence 
of all the prime persons of India ; at which instant he 
delivered his Majesties letter and token, which were 
kindhe accepted, and so wee tooke leave and departed 
downe to the shipps for the most part, save onlie 
Captaine Weddell and some few to accompanie him, 
who were for the night lodged in the Jesuits College. 

Within Few Dales our Kings Majesties letter was 
Delivered unto this Vice Roy with a present, beeing a 
gold chaine with our King and queenes picture hanguing 
theron^. Wee had a house appointed us by Santa 
Luzia^ and indifferent * correspondence shewed us a 
while. Butt el Conde de Linhares, the last viz Roy, 
our great hopefuU Freind, was gon for Portugall and 
this come in his roome, who affected us Not, Nor I thincke 

^ Vedor da Fazenda, Inspector of Revenues, Controller of the 
Public Treasury ; the officer next in rank to the Viceroy. 

^ See infra for the Viceroy's letter acknowledging the gift ; and 
for his letter to the King of Spain announcing the arrival of Courteen's 
ships, see the end of this Relation. 

' The church of Santa Luzia in the north-east quarter of the city 
of Goa was built c. 1544. 

« The MS. has " in Different." 


•any elce him, For I could not heare any Speake well 
of him.^ 

Letter from the Viceroy of India to the King 

[of England, undated ? October 1636], Lisbon 
Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons,'^ Book 38 fol. 285. 

Great was the general rejoicing and satisfaction 
in this City [Goa] upon the arrival of the ships that 
your Majesty [Charles I] was pleased to send hither 
under command of Captain John Wedel, whom God 
brought safely to port. 

And I in particular had great pleasure in learning 
of the good health enjoyed by your Majesty and your 
royal household, and in receiving from your Majest}^ 
the necklace and medallion of her most serene 
Highness the Queen [Henrietta Maria], an honour 
and favour that I esteem in a degree which befits 
a gift from such a hand, one which I may justly 
bequeath as [included in my] arms to my heirs 
as a lasting remembrance of so great an honour. 
This lays on me the obligation to attach myself 
loyally to your Majesty's service, and to seize every 
opportunity of forwarding it. And as it is customary 
with Kings as powerful and magnanimous as your 
Majesty for one favour to be a pledge of many 
others, I pray your Majesty to look upon me as 
one of the meanest of your servants, and this to me 
will be the greatest favour of all and the one that 
I shall esteem the most highly. 

^ Dora Miguel de Noronha, Conde de Linhares, was Viceroy of 
Goa from 22nd October 1629 to 3rd December 1635 N.S., when he 
returned to Portugal. For his relations with the East India Company's 
■servants in Surat, see Foster, English Factories, 1634 — 1636, pp. 
viii. — ix. 

Pedro da Silva, 24th Viceroy, disapproved of his predecessor's 
policy of admitting the English to the ports under his jurisdiction, 
and in consequence placed every obstacle in the way of Courteen's 
merchants. He died 24th June 1639 N.S. 

Faria Y Sousa remarks on these two Viceroys and says (iii. 408) 
that De Linhares was accused of being " too rigid " and Da Silva of 
being " too easie." The latter, he adds, was nicknamed " the Mole, 
which in Portuguese signifies Soft," i.e., molle, soft, effeminate. 

^ For a note on this series of documents, which is freely used later 
in the volume, see Relation xxiv. The above translation has been 
made by Miss Leonora de Alberti. 


The said John Wedel and Nathaniel Montanei 
[Mountney], chief factor of the voyage, and the 
rest of the company were welcomed and treated 
with such courtesy and hospitality as befits subjects 
of your Majesty, and in accordance with what your 
Majesty directed in your letter. And although the 
order I received this year from the King my Master 
concerning the treaty with the English, concluded 
in these parts by the Viceroy my predecessor, gave 
me no further instructions than to cease hostilities, 
nevertheless, being under so great obligation to 
your Majesty, I took upon myself this weighty matter, 
and extended my commission to give free license 
to the men of these vessels to sell their merchandise 
and buy other commodities to their best advantage. 
And as to what lay in my power touching their 
personal needs, the equipment of their ships and the 
rest, they found in me all good will and a singleminded 
and sincere desire to make the Portuguese goods 
common to the subjects of your Majesty, whom God 
keep for the prosperity of your subjects, &c. 

Extract from the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet {State 
Papers, Dom., Chas. I., cccLi. No. 30). 

Proceedings at Goa. 

13 October 1636. Wee had a house appointed 
on shore, and the next day were visited by the 
Veadore de fazende and others ; and soe we begann 
to fall to our busines, apointing every man to his 
charge. Our goods Comeing to the Custome house 
were dispatched from time to time by Thomas 
Robinson who, after some Contestation with these 
officers, found them every dale more or less tractable, 
according as they dreaded or slighted the Dutch, 
who about this time begann to beleagre the road ; 
but no abatement of 10 Per Cent according as the 
king's broaker rated the goods. 

16 October 1636. Wee visited the viceroy and 
presented him with Scarlett [English broadcloth] 
&c. divers rarites, and so with a freindlie dismission, 
returned home. 


The arrivall of the Catherine and Anne. 

The 2'^d currant [October 1636] arrived the Catherine 
and Anne, who mett att Johanna 2 or 3 Dales after our 
Departure thence, the Anne having toutched at St 
Lawrence \ This Day passed by 4 saile of Hollanders, 
as wee suppose bound for Suratt*. The Portugall 
galleones Made after them, butt overtooke them not*. 

The 2yth [October 1636] arrived 10 saile of Hollanders 
and rode before the Port without Commaund*. 

Extract from the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, 
Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30) — Courteen's Factors 
refuse to fight for the Portuguese. 

30 October 1636. Tenn saile of Dutch came 
into the road and ancored very neere the shore, 
almost within shott, and weighing every dale with 
the breeze, berthed themselves still neerer and 
neerer towards the eveninge. Whereupon the Drums 
were struck upp in the Towne and all Soldiers 

^ According to the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet [State Papers, Dom., 
Chas. I., CCCLI. No. 30), the Catherine arrived at Goa on the 24th and the 
Anne on the 25th October. The Catherine reached Johanna the day a,fter 
the departure of the Dragon, Sun and Planter, having touched at the 
island of Maio. She " brought not anie sicke men in her nor had 
lost anie in the whole voyage." 

^ In the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet it is stated that the Anne had spoken 
with these four ships, commanded by WoUebrant Gelijnszoon, and had 
learned that they were part of a fleet of 17 sail, " whereof 10 were apointed 
to be before Goa and the other 3 to keepe the straights of Malacca." 

^ The Dutch ships were chased for twenty-four hours, but (as 
stated in the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet) " being all merchantmen . . . 
held it noe wisdome to staie for the Portugalls, but stood awaie with 
all the saile they could make." In reporting this occurrence to the 
King of Spain on the 3rd March 1637, N.S., the Viceroy stated {Lisbon 
Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Translations, vol. x.) that the 
galleons composing the Fleet of Defence were immediately fitted out, 
but that the enemy made off and the galleons refrained from chasing 
them for want of orders. In a second letter of the loth March, how- 
ever {op. cit.), the Viceroy declared that the galleons chased the Dutch 
for two days but that the enemy fled with such swiftness that it was 
impossible to overtake them. 

* Outside the range of the guns from the castles guarding the 
entrance to the city. The Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, 
Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30) gives the date of their arrival as the 
30th October. See infra. 


comanded aboard, the viceroy and his Councell 
repayring downe to the port, where they caused 
the Carracke latehe come from Portugall, which 
then lay unrigged, to be fitted, and putt more Ord- 
nance aboard her, earnestUe wooing us in the meane 
time, by the mediation of Padre Paulo [Pablo 
Reimao] the Jesuite afore mentioned, to goe forth 
with our shipps and to assist them against the 
Dutch S proffering us what content we should 
demand ; but when we returned our absolute 
annswere that we might not doe upon danger of our 
lives, the viceroy sent us word that as we came 
into his harbor as freinds, he supposed hee might 
constraine our shipps to serve, but would not, and 
here withall caused to be declared unto us that at 
our pleasures we might depart, where upon we 
begann to retire our selves downes [sic] and grewe 
earnest with the Veadore de fazenda for our dispatch, 
and that we might come to accompte, which he 
promised to performe so soone as he could come 
upp, which was not of manie dales after ; and so 
we refusing to assist them, their designe for going 
forth vanished and (as it seemes) the viceroy was 
sorry for his hastie speech, fearing upon our distast, 
that wee might at our goeing forth consort with the 
Dutch, and hath since aforded us all verball Curtesies. 

The igth November [1636] Died Richard Edger. 
The 26th November [1636] ^ Died William Wadley 
quarter Master beelonguing to the Planter. 

^ The Viceroy in his letter of the 3rd March as above (note^ p. 49) 
reported that the Dutch fleet consisted of seven large and three small 
ships ; that a delay in attacking them took place while the carrack 
recently arrived from Portugal was armed to accompany the galleons ; 
that subsequently the Camara (Council) at Goa strongly opposed the idea 
of risking the Fleet of Defence and endangering the safety of the City. 
Moreover, the galleons were old and defective, insufhcienth'^ manned 
and inadequately supplied with artillery. These reasons induced the 
Viceroy to desist from his purpose of giving battle to the Dutch fleet. 

* On the 2 1st November the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet records 
the arrival of a frigate belonging to the E. T. Co. with Henry Bornford, 
member of Council, who came to claim a sum of money left in the 
hands of the Vedor da Fazenda, which had been detained on account 
of the piracies committed by Captain Cobb in the Red Sea. Bornford 
brought a letter from President Methwold to Captain Weddell and took 
back a reply. For these, see the notice of Weddell in Appendix B. 


The ^th December [1636] Died Edward French 
beelonguing to the Planter. 

Extract from the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet {State Papers, 

Dam., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30) — Preparations for 

departure from Goa. 

13 December 1636. The time groweing late, we 
putt upp a request to the Viceroy and his Councell, 
importing that they would either dismisse us to 
prosecute our voyage with satisfaction for what 
they had received, or else to aford us lading of 
pepper and synnamon for one of our small shipps 
at the kings price, it being verie requisite to dispeed 
some one vessell for Europe with advice, which 
request of ours was returned with annswere endorsed 
to this effecte, that as yet there was neither pepper 
nor synnamon arrived, though daily expected, and 
that longer then 20 dales it could not be retarded, 
and then our demand should be satisfied, and they 
would take it kindlie if we would afford passage 
to one whom they intended to send with letters 
of Advise to his Majestic of Spaine ; but all this 
prooved nothing but words, for neither pepper 
nor synnamon apeared in all the limitted time 
nor after during our being there. 

24 December 1636. We went to the Veadore de 
fazenda and gave him in the accompte of all the 
Cordage &c. which we had deUvered ashore, who 
being then very sicke, entreated our forbearance 
for a while, and with manie faire promises assured 
us of all content and square deahnge. 

28 December 1636. A boate with a fiagge of 
truce went of to the Dutch ships about the ransominge 
of 2 Portugall prisoners and brought us a letter 
from them . . . the contents wherof deserve no 
remembrance. Howsoever, for avoyding of anie 
misconceite which might trouble the viceroy, we 
carried the letter to his Councell, himselfe being 
then absent, which they professed to take in good 
part, and so we heard no more of it. 



A Fightt betweene the Portugalles and the Dutch. 

The nth January [1637]. Before Day the galleones 
set forth, beeing 7 saile and about 15 or 16 Frigatts, 
and were very Near the Hollanders before the[y] were 
aware, where some were faine to lett shppe and to fitt 
themselves For the encounter, throwing much lumber- 
ment over board that pestred the Deckes. Aboutt 
6 in the Morning they beegan, and continued skirmish- 
ing untill Noone, when by a warning peece From the 
Plattfforme, the Portugalles retired into the Port and the 
Hollanders to their old birth. One of the Galleones lost her 
Mayne topmast and receaved Divers shott under water, Soe 
thatt shee was in Daunger of sincking, butt by good DiUi- 
gence shee was releived, our English Carpenters beeing sent 
aboard. There were slaine of the PortugaUs aboutt 11 or 12, 
and many hurt, butt of the Dutch wee here nothing as yett. 

Whatt I write concerning this Fightt is by the relation 
of others, my selff not present, beeing in the Citty att 
thatt tyme^ 

Extract from the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, 

Dom., Chas. /., cccli. No. 30) — A further 

account of the action. 

II January 1637. The six portugall gaUoons 
earhe in the morninge waighed and stood out to 
the Dutch, and were come so nigh before they 
were discovered that the rereadmirall was forced 
to lett slipp. They continued a slight buckering 
[bickering, skirmishing] for the space of 5 houres 
in sight of the road, and then by a warning peece 
from the Castle were called in. The Dutch haveing 
received sundrie shott in their hulls without much 
prejudice, with the losse onlie of 6 men, returned 
againe to their accustomed births. One of the 
galloons had her mainemast shott in the hounds 

^ For the Dutch and Portuguese versions of this engagement, 
see Appendix C. 


[projections at the sides of the masthead] and 
another received a shott under water, which through 
neglect of looking to, had undoubtedlie suncke her, 
shee being almost full of water when the frigotts 
towed her ashore in the harbor, where our Carpenters 
stopped her leakes. They had slaine eleaven men 
and ID maymed and sore wounded. All those 
who were spectators constantlie afhrme that there 
were but 3 shipps on either side that performed 
anie thing to purpose, and yet even the best of 
those also not meriting much Comendation. 

This Month there ran away From us 3 off our tallest 
Men, no great cause beeing given them, rather provoked 
by their owne unquiett and turbulent spiritts, wee suppose 
[than] by Circumstances. They are concealed by the 
Portugalls who Now stand in Need of such Men, especially 
gunners. With them ran away allsoe one of the Sunnes 
Company ^ 

The Hand of Goa^. 

Of the Hand and Citty of Goa, Inhabitantts, buildings, 

etts. Notable. 

The Hand of Goa lieth in 15^ Degrees of North lattitude 

and about 34^ Degrees East Longitude From Johanna, 

in compasse 8 or 10 leagues', somwhatt hilly, their 

skirtts with the valHes extraordinary FruitffuU by 

Nature and Art, having Many Fountaines and springs 

of sweet water*, which seemed to mee somwhatt straunge, 

^ During her stay at Goa the Sun, as recorded in the Voyage 
of Weddell's Fleet [State Papers, Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30), was fitted 
with a new mainmast ; her old one, being " spent at sea," was " very 
uneasie for the shipp " on account of the weight of the timber which 
had been used to strengthen it. 

^ The island is formed by the intersection of the rivers Zuari and 
Goa on its N.E. boundary. 

* The present circuit is 21 miles. 

* Linschoten, however (ed. Burnell i. 182 — 183), says : " They 
have but little fresh water . . . only one Well . . . which standeth 
about a quarter of a mile without the Cittie, wherewith the whole 
towne is served." 


considering thatt in the Norther part of India, where 
I travelled soe farre and staled soe long, they were soe 
scarce thatt I could hardly see any. The toppes of 
the hills smooth, covered with grasse, in some places 
gravelly, in others rocky and stony. From whence they 
Draw such quantities of stone ^ to supply their Edifices, 
viz., Churches, Castles, Citty buildings, countrie houses, 
the long Wall Crossing over the Hand From the Powder- 
house to Santiago, the Causey built by the Conde de 
LinharesS the banckes towards the waterside in most 
places Walled uppe ; all these etts. of hewen stone of a 
reddish Coullour. 

The Citty of Goa. 
The citty may bee in compasse some 4 or 5 Miles, 
the Middle part compacted, the skirts scattringwise. 
Some faire streetes, store of strong and faire buildings, 
many goodly Churches, Monasteries and colledges, as 
faire to see to without as ritche and beautifully adorned 
within, founded on the most eminenst places of the Citty 
which standeth on sundry round rising hills, each off [the] 
toppes commonly crowned with one of these — The Cathe- 
drall Church*, the Colledge of the Jesuitts*, the Monastery 

^ Laterite is the stone most abundant in the district. It is red 
in colour. 

2 The " long wall " was begun during the government of Dom 
Antao de Noronha (1564 — 1568). It began with a fort on the N.E. 
part of the island and extended to Sao Thiago (Santiago) and thence 
south and west to the Casa de Polvora (gunpowder-factory) at Panelim. 
See Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 176, 179. 

The " Causey " connecting the village of Ribandar with Pangim 
or New Goa forms the main road over a salt marsh from the new to 
the old capital. It was begun by the Conde de Linhares in 1633 and 
finished in the following year. 

3 This building, begun in 1562 and completed in 1619, superseded 
the church dedicated to St Katherine, erected by the orders of 
Albuquerque in 1511. See Fryer, East India and Persia, ed. Crooke, 
II. 10. 

^ The New College of St Paul or Convent of St Roch situated on 
the west of the Holy Mount (Nossa Senhora de Rozario). The site 
was purchased by the Jesuits after an epidemic which had rendered 
the buildings of the old College and Church of St Paul extremely 
unhealthy. See Fryer's description, East India and Persia, 11. 11 — 12- 


of the Carmelites 1, the Nunnery -, etts. The last was fired by 
accident att ourbeeing there, the structure Deffaced, Much 
goodes burned, spoyled and lost, butt noe body hurt'. 

Many Castles and Fortes, as thatt of Bardesse to 
the Northward and [blank] on the south side of the 
Comming in, another going over the barre, Augee 
[Daugim or] Madrededios, Santiago, etts.* The last 
are att passages over to the Mayne, att some places 
not above | a stones cast over, the Moores country 
adjoyning within | a league thereaboutts ^ 

Sundry tanckes in the Citty, some very full of fish, 
especially one then which I never saw soe little quantity 
of water soe stored ; others withoutt att their Countrie 
houses along by the waterside and among the vallies, 
as the Jesuitts and Friers houses att St Annes^ At the 

^ The convent and church of the barefooted Carmelites was erected 
early in the 17th century. It stood on a hill near the Holy Mount. 
See Fryer, ed. Crooke 11. 14. 

^ The Convent and Church of St Monica also stood on the Holy 
Mount. Its construction occupied 21 years (1606 — 1627) and it 
could accommodate 100 nuns. It was open not only to Europeans, 
but also to Christians of Eurasian and native extraction. See Fryer, 
ed. Crooke. 11. 14 — 15. 

^ In the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet there is the following account 
of this fire : — " The Nunnery of St Monica, being the goodliest fabrige 
\_sic\ in the whole Cittie and the sole cloister of women, by negligence 
tooke fire and in 2 daies was wholie consumed, with much tresure 
both in plate, Jewells and Church Stuffe." 

* By the castle of " Bardesse " Mundy means the fortress of Agoada 
(see note ' on p. 44). The one on the south of the port of Goa is the 
fortress of Cabo (Nossa Senora do Cabo), at the West extremity of the 
island. The one " going over the barre " is the fortress of Mormugao, 
the construction of which was begun in 1624. " Augee Madredios " 
was apparently the fort on the N.E. part of the island at Daugim, 
representing the Portuguese form of an old native name AujI. The 
fort of Benasterim or Santiago contained a huge gun taken from the 
Muhammadans. See Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 180 — -181, who 
calls these forts " Passo de Daugijn or of Madre de Deus " and " Passo 
de Benesterijn, or S. lago." 

^ These forts were opposite to gates in the wall of defence formerly 
mentioned (see p. 54). 

® Apparently a mistake for St Augustine's. The convent of St 
Augustine was situated near that of the New College of St Paul (see 
note * on p. 54), which Mundy calls the " Jesuitts house." It was 
erected in 1572 by twelve Augustinian friars and rebuilt ten years 
later. Delia Valle [Travels, i. 182) mentions " a Church of Saint 
Anna " at a " place of pleasure in the Island," but this does not appeal 
to have been also an ecclesiastical foundation. 


Former the Commaunders, Merchantts, etts. were feasted 
by the Padres Jesuitts, and after Dinner enterteyned 
with good Musicke of voices, accompanied with the 
Harpe and Spanish gitterne [cithern] ; our Enghsh 
Musicke was allsoe there. The house is seated in a Most 
Delicious shady grove on the side of a hill^ replenished 
with Multitudes off tall spreading and allwaies flourishing 
fruite trees, pleasant springs, walkes, and a curious tancke 
lying under a rocke (whence the water Issues), quite 
overshadowed with trees. 

In this gardein I first saw the pepper plant growinge 
uppe at the Foote of the Arrecca or betele Nutt tree, 
Clyming, spreading and Clasping like Ivy about the 
body of the said tree. I have not yett seene any tree 
which For straighttnesse, heightt and slendernesse may 
bee compared to the said Arrecca tree. This part of 
the Country affoards No pepper for Marchandize, only 
the plant to bee seene in some gardeins as a raritye. 

Fruites, viz. Jamboes. 

Jambo trees, which then blossomed, when [and then 
I thincke Few trees More beautiffuU to the Eye, the 
Flower of a good bignesse, fine forme and of an excellent 
vermiUion Dye, very thicke sett, growing on the stalkes 
and biggest bowes, not at the very end of the sprigges 
as trees Doe bear with us. This Fruit is ordinarily now 
served att our table, in forme hke an apple or peare, 
of a whitish coullour with a Dash of red as some of our 
apples. It smeUes beetweene a violett and a rose ; 
of a Pleasaunt fast, though somwhat Flashy [insipid] 
or waterish*. 

^ The Mount of the Rosary or the Holy Hill, so named on account 
of the religious buildings erected there. 

* The Rose Apple, Eugenia jambos, Skt. atnbu, the fruit of which 
is about the size of a small apple. 


Cajooraes : of a straunge propertye. 

Cajoora trees, whose blossome casteth a Most Frag- 
rant smell into the ayre, the Fruit somwhatt harsh in 
tast and strong, allthough it hath this property, thatt 
I thincke none elce [hath] the like, viz., thatt wheras 
the seedes or Kernells of other Fruittes grow within them, 
the Kernell of this growes quite withoutt it at the very 
end, resembling a French beane, though much bigger, 
and beeing roasted, eateth like a Chestnutt^ It is thus 

No. 6. Cajoora (Cashew) Fruit. 


Jacke trees, whose Fruitte groweth on the very body, 
stemme, or biggest braunches of the tree. There bee 
some thatt Wey Near 40 pound waight, and in my 
opinion is the biggest Fruit thatt groweth on trees, as 
I thincke the Cocotree beares the biggest Nutted 

Coconutts : its wonderfuU benefit and use. 

Cocotrees have onely one stemme and No braunches 
or boughes at all, with a great bush att the very toppe. 

^ The Cashew, Anacardium Occidentale, a native of Brazil, intro- 
duced by the Portuguese into India in the i6th century. Linschoten 
(ed. Tiele, ii. 27 — 29) has a detailed description of this shrub with its 
fruit and kernel. See also Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cashew. Mundy's 
" Cajoora " confuses the Indian form kdjil of the original South 
American acajou, the cashew nut, with khajur, khajura, the ordinary 
Indian term for the date-tree. 

^ For the Jack-tree {Artocarpus infegrifolia) and its fruit, see FVyer, 
ed. Crooke, i. no. See also Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Jack, for the 
history and derivation of the word. 


It is in many places much commended For the great 
benefitt itt affoards to Mans use, and not undese[r]ved, 
For to my Knowlidg it affoardes Meat, Drink, and lodg- 
ing, Oyle, Wyne, Milk, Sugar, etts., and good Cordage 
Made of the outtward rinde of the Nutte, which in 
Clusters grow outt att the toppe on a sprigge, as Doe 
allsoe the Papaes^ in a Manner, the tree Differing in 
leaves and height 

Here are Divers trees thatt I saw not in North India, 
as Peares, soe here called, like those in Europe, butt of 
a very strong relish ^ 

Jamblins, like unto wild Damzens, or a harsh plumme 
wee have in the West Countrye in coullour, forme and 
tast, butt have 7 or 8 stones each^ 

Jamboes of Mallacca : small red, of a tart tast, 
given commonly to the sicke^ 

A Delicate Fruit resembling a pine, butt when ripe 
it is sofft and of an Admirable tast, called Atae^ 

^ The Papaw, Carica papaya. See vol. ii. p. 14. 

* The common pear is cultivated throughout South India. See 
Watt, Commercial Products of India, p. 910. 

^ " Jamblin " (" Jambolin " in the margin of the MS.) represents the 
Hind, jdmun, jdman, etc., through the Port, forms janibolan, jamblin. 
Sir David Prain informs me that Mundy's " Jamblins " are almost 
certainly the fruit of the Carissa Carandas, a spiny bush cultivated 
for its fruit in many parts of India. For a description of the shrub, 
see Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, vol. vii., Supplement, cap. 
Lxxiv. pp. 57—58. 

* " Jamboes of Mallacca " should represent the Malay Apple, 
Eugenia (Jambosa) Mallaccensis, the fruit of which is large and juicy. 
Alexander Hamilton {A New Account of the East Indies, i. 258) says 
of the fruits of Goa, " Their Jambo Malacca is very beautiful and 
pleasant." But Mundy's description applies rather to Linschoten's 
" Jangomas . . . small round plummes of a dark red colour . . . 
harsh in the throat like slowes or unripe Plums " (Linschoten, ed. Tiele, 
II. 32). The " Jangoma," so Sir David Prain informs me, is a species 
of Flacourtia, that described by Linschoten being Flacourtia Cata- 
phracta, while Mundy's fruit is more probably Flacourtia montana, 
because this variety is better known as indigenous in the region of 
Goa. It is about the size of a cherry, red' or purple, and is edible, 
with a pleasant acid taste. 

* The Custard Apple {Anona squamosa), known in Malabar and 
Upper India as aid. Mundy has another reference to this fruit, in 
Relation xxvii., when he was at Achin in 1638, and he there calls it 
by its American name Anona. These two references are especially 


Pine Apples or Ananasses [ananas], allthough here 
sett last, yett deserves the first rancke For itts excellent 
refreshing tast and smell, senting and tasting [? like] 
(but Farre transcending) the Daintiest Mellon apple 
with us. 

In most of their gardeins all the spaces beetweene 
the trees in [? is] covered with their plantts. And as 
I said before, I saw here Sundry sorts off Fruites which 
I had not scene in North India, butt For any thatt grew 
there, they Mightt here bee Found. 

PlentifuU provision. 

Provisiones ar[e] here Plenty and Cheape, as good white 
wheat bread, good beefe, hennes, pigges, Fruite, and 
wonderfull store of excellent Fresh Fish, in variety of 
which I Never yett saw place soe well and Constantly 
provided, brave Portugall wyne (like unto Vino garbo^ 
at Venice, not soe harsh Nor red) For about I2d a quart 
English, store of racke ['arak, arrack] and toddy, Cheape. 

Att our beeing here was launched a New Galleon 
off 14 Foote by the Keele, as they say, beeing First 
blessed, Christned, and named el buen Jesus by the 
Archebishoppe thatt came over in the Carracke as 
aforementioned. Shee was launched in a Device wherin 
shee was built, called a Cradle, which is a world of tymber 
Made uppe and fastned on either side to keepe her 
uprightt, and soe with Cables, Capstanes and a Multi- 
tude of people, the[y] Forced her into the Water, the 
wa}'' beeing first very well tymbred and tallowed. There 
was another on the stockes. They are very long a 
Doing and issue att e[x]cessive rates. 

interesting as being the earliest notices of the fruit in India and the 
East by European travellers. See the article, s.v. Custard Apple 
in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, where the first quotation given is in 1672. 
It will be observed that Mundy's name for the fruit, Anona, confimis 
the belief in its American origin. 

^ Vin garbo, wine that has a sharp taste. Mundy is alluding 
to the rough red wine which he drank when in Northern Italy in 1620. 


A Carracke. 
I went aboard the Carracke formerly mentioned. 
Shee is said to bee of 1600 tonnes, of a straunge Forme, 
her beakehead in such a manner and soe capacious 
thatt would [measure] Near 20 tonnes, and the biggest 
longboate in our Fleete would easily ly in her fore- 
chaines ; 12 mayne shrowdes of a side ; steered below 
with takles fastned to her tiller : all Monstrous [strange 

A Ritche Monumentt or Coffin 1, 

Padre Paolo [Pablo Reimao], a Jesuitt. (a cheife 
Negotiator of our late Made peace with the Portugalls 
and a great instrument in this Designe)", shewed us at 
the Colledge of Bon Jhesus^ a Monumentt or tombe 
For the Body off Francisco Xavier (which is in this 
Church), their greatt reputed saint and by them stiled 
the second Apostle of India (Saint Thomas, one of the 
12, beeing the First). It is all of Silver, of good worck- 
manshippe, and on sundr}?- compartments on all the 
4 sides therof are severall stories of his hfe artificially 
embossed, the whole Worcke sett with sundry sorts of 
stones. At one side of the said Church is a Chappell 
now building to place it*. One of the Padres told mee 
that [the] body is much Dried, wanting one eye perished, 

^ The full title given in the margin is " A Ritche Monumentt or 
Coffin For the body off Francisco Xavier, the Portugalls much honoured 
India Saint which lieth in Bon Jhesus att Goa." 

* For Pablo Reimao's share in the negotiations between the English 
and Portuguese 1634 — 1636, see Foster, English Factories. In 1639 
he was rector of the College of Bandra, near Bombay {ibid. 1637 — 1641, 
p. 99 and note). 

' The House of Bom Jesus was completed c. 1589 and the Church, 
begun in 1594, was consecrated in 1605. 

* St Francis Xavier died at San Shan, an island at the mouth 
of the Canton (Si Kiang) River, in 1552. The translation of his body 
from St Paul's to the church of Bom Jesus took place in 1624. It 
was at first deposited in the Chapel of St Francis Borgia in the north 
transept and in 1655 transferred to the chapel in the south transept, 
which was in course of construction at the time of Mundy's visit. 


as allsoe an arme cutt off and sentt to Macao ^ They 
soone after solemnized his holy Day* (hee beding then 
placed in the said Monument before the high Alltar) 
with much good Musicke, and at Nightt pretty artificall 
Fireworcke^ their Church and steeple, with others, 
sett with Multi[tu]de of lampes in such order on the 
outsides thatt itt Made a Delightsom shew a Farre offe 
in the Darck nightt. 

Festival! shewes. 

As I have formerly Mentioned, there are Many faire 
Churches, unto which beelong Multitudes off Churchmen 
of sundry orders who keepe Many Festivalls in the yeare, 
wheron they bestow great Cost in Pageantts, shewes, 
etts. Musick, Antick [fantastic] Daunces to accompany 
their processiones, hanguing the streetes and adorning 
their Churches extraordinary, and sometimes att night 
Fireworckes, having scene sundry of those holie Dales 
celebrated at our beeing there. Thus they spend away 
part of their idle tyme, as allso part of the great meanes 
that those Churches etts. religious houses are endowed 

Bay ting of Buffaloes. 

Allsoe in Imitation of the Spanish BuUbaiting the[y] 
ran a Couple of Buffaloes one after the others The 

^ In November 1614 the right arm of the Saint was cut ofiE by order 
of the Pope, who sent a portion of it to Macao. Mundy's version of 
the state of the body is not corroborated by other writers. See Fryer, 
East India and Persia, ed. Crooke, 11. 12 ; and for accounts of the Saint 
and his tomb see the references given in the footnote on that page. 

^ The 3rd December. 

^ By " pretty artificall Fireworcke " Mundy means what are now 
known as illuminations, an art in which the natives of all parts of 
India are adepts. Such illuminations are constantly used at festivals 
and on gala occasions. 

* For other contemporary descriptions of Goa, see Linschoten, i. 
175 fE. ; Delia Valle, i. 154 ff. ; Pyrard de Laval, 11. pt. i. 24 ff. ; Fryer, 
II. 7 ff. (Hakluyt Society's editions) ; see also Fonseca, Sketch of 
Goa, from which most of the above identifications have been taken. 

^ Buffalo baiting is not mentioned among the amusements of Goa by 
any of the authorities cited above. 


first unhorsed and endaungered a fidalgo called Don 
Gregoris [sic] Simones Caravallo and the 2d killed a 
Negro [African] outrightt, having runne him into the 
body att the Fundamentt. 

The Vice Roy hath a Couple of Elephantts which are 
putt to Worcke, as to draw tymber, etts., by Fastning 
unto it a rope of Cairo ^ (of the coconutt), which the 
Elephant taking beetweene his Jawteethe, hee Draweth 
it on, helping and guiding itt with his trunck and tuskes, 

A straunge Fowle. 
On the backe side of the towne is a pretty spatious 
lake with wild Foule in it, and many faire buildings on 
the banckes beelonguing to particuler gentlemen 2. Here 
were 2 or 3 couple of a straunge and stately tame foule 
broughtt From Mozambicque. It is as tall as a Crane, 
somwhatt bigger, with great high tuffts on his head 
(Hke twisted bristles) as bigge as a Mans Fist^ 

The habitt of the Portugall weomen In India : 
and allsoe of their Men. 

The Inhabitants of Goa are Portugalls, Mestizoes 
and Canarins ; some Banianes allsoe*. Portugall 

^ Coir, Mai. kdyar, dried fibre of the husk of the cocoa-nut. See 
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Coir. 

2 The Lagoa, or lagoon, according to Pyrard de Laval, " of more 
than a league in circuit, and natural. On its banks are three fine 
mansions of great lords, who have built them there for their pleasure, 
with spacious orchards and gardens, fruit trees, and cocos." Voyage, 
ed. Gray, 11. pt. i. p. 35. 

* See Illustration, No. 7. Mr. W. L. Sclater informs me that 
Mundy is describing the Balearica regulorum or Crowned Crane (the 
Mahem of the Dutch colonists), common throughout south and south- 
west Africa. The tuft of stiff upstanding bristles on the head is a 
characteristic feature. It is often kept in captivity and becomes 
very tame. See Stark and Sclater's Birds of South Africa, iv. 284. 

■* Mestizoes, Port, mestifo, half-caste. 

Canarins, a name generally applied, in the i6th and 17th centuries, 
to the inhabitants of the country above the Ghats (see Yule, Hobson- 
Jobson, s.v. Canara), also by the Portuguese for "Eurasians." 

Banianes, Hindu traders of the Banyd caste, from Gujarat. 


Weomen Scantt [few in number], The generality Mesti- 
zaes, apparelled after this country Manner, viz., a Lunghee 
aboutt their Middle Downe to their Feete, a shortt smocke 
comming downe a little below their Middle over their 
Lunghee, their haire bound upp in a bundle or knotte 
made uprightt on the Crowne of their heades ; and when 
they goe abroad they Cast a pintado or painted cloath 
over all 1. The better sort have store of Jewells and are 
Carried in covered Palanqueenes. The Portugall habitt 
seldome used by Weomen, except some few, and thatt 
on great Festivall Dales, att their Marriages etts. Butt 
the Men goe after their country Manner, the Most part 
with great long wide stuffe breeches downe to their 
shooes, and others as they Doe in Portugall. 

The Pristine prosperous estate of the Portugalls in India 
Their Decaying att present, with the rising of the 

By History and report wee Doe find thatt in former 
tymes the Portugalls had a Flourishing tyme in these 
parts, beeing absolute Masters and Commaunders in 
these seas. Drawing all trade From all parts into their 
owne handes to their incredible benefitt. Then they 
triumphed like petty Romains, bestowing their wealth 
in building Churches, Faire Dwelling houses in the Citty 
and Countrie, in Ritche Furniture, planting gardeins, 
etts., spending their tyme in pleasure, ease and recreation. 
Nobody then to Disturbe them. Butt those Dales are 
past and their prosperous estate much abated by the 
comming in of the English and Dutch, who beegan to 
trafhcke here aboutt 40 yeares since, and likely to bee 
yearly Worse and Worse with them, The Hollander 
having now beleaguered them in their owne port, who 

^ See Fryer, ed. Crooke, 11. 27, and Pyrard de Laval, ed. Gray, 11. 
pt. i. 103, 112 — 113, who both say that the smock was worn under, 
not over, the lunggT, or petticoat. For pintado or chintz, see Yule, 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. 


now com on as fast forward in these Countries as the 
other grow behind-hand. 

Coines, Waightts and Measures att Goa, viz. Coines^. 

A Cruzado^, a peece of gold worth 12 sheraffines. 
A Sheraffine, commonly a valuation and constantly worth 
5 tangas. 

^ The real dif&culty in estimating Indian coinage at this period is 
that denominations constantly varied from time to time, not only 
intrinsically, but also as the travellers reporting them happened to 
be speaking of " good " or " bad " money. However, Mundy reporting 
in 1637 and Fryer in 1675 practically agree as to the Portuguese 
coinage at Goa in their time, as the following tables, made out from 
their statements, will show. 

Mundy. Fryer, ed. Crooke, 11. 128. 

\^ bazaruccos = i res (spelter) ij basrooks = i res (rees) 

12 res = I vingtein (spelter) 12 res = i vinteen 

5 vingteins = i tanga (copper) 5 vinteens = i tango 

5 tangas = i sheraffine (silver) 5 tangoes = i zeraphin 
2 sheraifines = i pattacca (silver) 

ij pattaccas = i pagode (gold) 3 zeraphins = i pagod 

4 pagodes = i cruzado (gold) 4 pagods = i cruzado 

3600 reis to the cruzado 3600 reis to the cruzado 

Also Mundy says that 15 tangas and Fryer that 15 tangoes 15 
basrooks went to a new St Thomas, and 16J tangas (Mundy) and 16 
tangoes 30 res (Fryer) went to an old St Thomas, making it clear that 
the St Thomas was identical with the pagoda, which was 15 tangas 
according to both Mundy and Fryer. 

All this means that the St Thomas, pattacca, sheraffine and cruzado 
at that time represented respectively the modern pagoda, dollar, 
rupee or half dollar, and the gold mohar or 'ashrafi. The term xerafim 
(sheraffine, etc.) is of interest here, from the fact that, for the gold form 
of the coin, it was the Portuguese corruption of the 'ashrafi (noble), 
or gold dinar (in India the gold mohar). 

Linschoten's report (1583 — 1585) gives practically the same scale 
and values as the above, but he became so confused between " good " 
and " bad " money and the constant variation in the market value of 
the coinage that he is pften self-contradictory and uncertain (Linschoten 
ed. Tiele, i. 241^ — 244). 

For a history of the Portuguese coinage in India, see Fonseca, 
Sketch of the City of Goa, pp.. 30- — 31 ; for the descent of Indian and 
Far Eastern scales of Troy weight and money, and for contemporary 
currency reports on Goa and West Coast of India, see Temple, Currency 
and Coinage among the Burmese {Indian Antiquary, vol. xxvi. pp. 313 — 
318, vol. XXVII. pp. 57 — 67, 85 — 91) ; for analogies in the development 
of the European and Asiatic currencies which were in vogue in Mundy's 
time, see Temple, Obsolete Tin Currency and Aloney of the Federated 
Malay Slates [Indian Antiquary, vol. xlii. pp. iii — 115). 

* Port, cruzado, a coin marked with a cross. 


A TangaS 5 vingteins ; a vingtein^ 15 bazaruccos* or 

12 Res [rets]. 
A Royal of 8tt or pattacca*, worth Now lo tangas, rising 

and Falling. 
A St Thomea de figura, i6| tangas ; a St Thomea de 

Cruz^ 15 tangas. 
A Pagode«, a peece of gold, allsoe worth 15 tangas. 


A Quintall is 128 arrates ; a Roove is 32 ; and a Maen^ 
24 arrates. Here 100 arrates Maketh Nearest 
hand 102 pound EngUsh. 

^ Mahr. tank, Turki, t/mga. See the article on Tanga in Yule, 
Hobson-J obson. See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxvi. p. 235 et seq. 

^ The Portuguese vinten was a copper coin worth 20 veis and is so 
still in Goa. Mundy's " vinteign of 12 Res " was a spelter coin. 

^ Port, bazarucco, a corruption of bazdr rilka, market money : 
rfika, a very small copper coin in Kanara and W. India. See Yule, 
Hobson-J obson, s.v. Budgrook. Pyrard de Laval, ed. Gray, 11. 18, 
gives, for 1607 — 1610, " 75 busruques to the tangue," thus agreeing 
with Mundy and Fryer. In Telugu rilka equals the Tamil panam 
(fanam), a form of Sanskrit pana, a coin, money, used for very small 
coins, gold or silver, of varying value. 

* Port, pataca, patacoon, patacon : an old European term for the 
dollar or piece of 8 reals. 

* The St Thomas seems to have risen in value between the dates of 
Linschoten (1583 — 1588) and Pyrard de Laval (1607 — 1610), and those 
of Mundy (1637) and Fryer (1675), for the former report it as of 7 to 10 
tangas in value and the latter as of 15 to 16 tangas. Op. cit., loc. cit. 

^ See Yule; Hobson-J obson, s.v. Pagoda (c). 

' Mundy's statement as to weights agrees with Fryer and practically 
with every contemporary traveller. Mundy and Fryer compare as 
follows : — 

Mundy, 1636. Fryer, 1675, {op. cit. p. 129). 

32 arrates = i roove 32 rotolas == i arobel (rovel) 

4 rooves = i quintal 4 arobels = i kintal 

I arrate = i English lb. + 2 % i rotola = i lb. averd. 

Arrate, rotola, rattle, etc. is the Arab lb. {rati) : 
Arroba, rovel, roove, etc. is the Arab quarter {rub'a) : 
Quintal, kintal (Port.), qintdr (Arab.), is the Eastern cwt. of 

about 130 lbs. 
The ar in arrate, arroba is merely the Arabic article al, the. 
The rati has lasted on to modern times in Goa as the ratio for a lb. 
(Fonseca, op. cit. p. 32). 

* Port, mao. Hind, man, the maund : in this case of 24J lbs., i.e., the 
S. Indian maund as distinguished from the N. Indian of about 80 lbs. 


An arrate is somwhatt More then i6 ounces English, 
viz., 2 per Cent. 

A Marck is 8 oz., by which coine or silver is wayed, 
subdivided into |, J, ^, yV J 8| Royal off eight, 
beeing full Waightt, Make a Marcke^ 

A Coved 2 is here | yard English Next hand. 
A Canada 3 is nere hand 3 English wine pints 

And thus in breiffe I have toutched att some particulers 
of the Hand and Citty of Goa, referring you For a more 
compleater description to Lincshott [Linschoten], etts. 

In Conclusion, wee failing of our expectation, wanting 
our good Freind el Conde de Lynhares, and finding 
Nothing butt Delaies, faire Wordes and breach of 
promises, perceaving their intent, unwilling to have us 
intermeddle with their trade For hindring their particuler 
[private interests], Having broughtt and Dehvered them 
sundry stores and Munition according to their requiry 
and contract, as Cordage, lead, shotte, anchors, Iron- 
worcke, Pitche, tarre, etts,. Wee demaunded satisfaction 
for the same and leave to Depart, which accordingly was 
graunted us, having bin here in all 3 Monthes and 9 Dales*. 
End of the 21 Relation. 

^ Port, marco, a Troy weight of 8 ounces. It is interesting to note 
that according to the text the value of silver was then 4s. 8^d. to 4s. gd. 
the ounce, taking the Royal of 8 (or dollar) at that period to have been 
worth 5s. 

^ Port, covado, a cubit or ell. 

" Port. Canada, a. wine measure of 3 pints English. In modern 
Goa liquid measure a canada is 4 xero (Hind, ier), and a xero is nearly 
13 oz., so the modern canada is about 3^ lbs. in weight or nearly 
4 pints English. Fonseca, op. cit., pp. 32 — 33. 

* The Voyage of Weddell's Fleet {State Papers, Dom.,Chas.I., cccLi. No. 
30), under date 15th January 1636/7 records that" after much expostula- 
tion with the Veadore de fazende and unexpected Cavills about the 
price of our Cordage, &c. wee received in full what they would afford 
us . . . and the next dale, haveing taken leave of all the prime men, 
repaired aboad." 

The Dutch noted with satisfaction the disturbance of harmonious 
relations between the English and the Portuguese. In a letter to the 


Letter from the Viceroy of India to the King [of Spain], 

4 March 1637 [N.S. — 22 February O.S.], {Lisbon 

Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Book 37, 

fol. 481). 


In accordance with the peace they have made 
with your Majesty, concluded by the Conde de 
Linhares, five EngUsh vessels came to this port 
last October, bringing me a letter from their King, 
of which a copy will be sent herewith, and with it 
they presented a necklace and medallion sent by 
him, which were forthwith delivered to the Comp- 
troller of the Exchequer to be forwarded to your 
Majesty, as will accordingly be done. 

And as your Majesty was pleased, by a letter 
which came in the Sao Jodo de Deus, to leave this 
matter to me, until such time as a decision shall 
be arrived at, I thought fit to communicate the 
matter to the Senate that assists me, causing the 
letter to be read to them and instructing them to 
advise me what should be done. They were unani- 
mously of opinion, for various reasons set forth 
by each one in the documents signed by them and 
enclosed herewith ^ that commerce with the Enghsh 
should be allowed and continued, license being 
given them to take a house in this city [Goa], where 
they might store and sell their commodities, paying 
the duties. This has been done. 

And as these Enghshmen brought sails, lead, 
anchors, and cannon balls, I gave orders for all 
these things to be bought of them in the quantities 
and for the sums stated in the Ust accompanying 
this letter. 

The Enghsh remained here buying and selling 
until the 8th of February [N.S.], when they left for 

Directors of the Dutch East India Company, dated Swally 2nd Decem- 
ber 1636 {Hague Transcripts, Translations, ist series, vol. x. No. 327) is 
the following passage : — " It appears that the present Viceroy does not 
hold them [the English] in such estimation as his predecessor. . . . 
The Portuguese resent Captain Weddell's trading with China, and a 
feeling of jealousy and mistrust seems to prevail." 

^ None of the enclosures mentioned in this document are found 
among the Lisbon Transcripts at the India Of&ce. The translation 
given here is by Miss Leonora de Alberti. 


Surrate, from whence to return to England ^ They 
carried my reply to their King, of which I likewise 
enclose a copy. 

I learnt later that these ships went to Canara 
to buy pepper ; that the English offered a higher 
price for it than we give, that they sought out a 
Moorish Corsair, Babia by name^ an enemy of the 
State and discussed their plans with him, as may 
be seen by the letters written to me on this subject 
enclosed herewith. 

And thus by what I wrote to your Majesty last 
year concerning what these English did in China*, 
as also by what I have reported upon this occasion, 
your Maj esty will see that this people do not respond 
to the courtesy and confidence which we show 
them. And it is most necessary. Sire, if we are to 
have peace and commerce with the English, that 
there be a clear understanding that they do not 
buy pepper. Because, apart from the loss which 
arises from its being taken to Europe, they raise the 
price of it here, for the natives of these parts if offered 
a bazaruco * more will break any contract and will sell 
the pepper to whomsoever offers most for it. There- 
fore, if we are not to be involved in perpetual war 
with them [the English], the matter must be remedied. 
After the departure of these vessels, another 
ship came from Surrate, and brought a quantity 
of copper and cannon balls, which was also pur- 
chased ^ As I have given further details concerning 
this people in the various letters sent by this oppor- 
tunity, I will say no more upon the matter. 

God keep your Catholic and Royal Majesty as the 
needs of Christendom and your subjects require. 
From Goa 4th March 1637 [N.S.]. 

^ This remark implies that the Viceroy was not aware, until after 
their departure from Goa, of the intention of Courteen's merchants to 
proceed to Macao. 

2 Baba Rawat. See infra, Relation xxii., for confirmation of the 
Viceroy's statement. 

^ This allusion is to the voyage of the East India Company's ship 
London to Macao in 1635. 

* A mite. See anie, note * on p. 65. 

* This was a ship of the East India Company, between which and 
Courteen's Association the Viceroy does not discriminate. 



Our Departure Goa : The Hollanders spake with us. 

The lyth January Anno 1636/72. In the Morning 
Wee sett saile From the Inner Roade of Goa^ enter- 
chaunging some farewell gunnes with the Fort and 
Galleones, soe stood to the Southward. The Dutch 
presently [immediately] wayed and came with us, soe 
saluted one the other with our Ordnance : No striking 
[dipping] off Flagges on Neither side. At Nightt Wee 
anchored all together, and the Next Day Wee stood 
backe againe With them towards Goa, the Mean tyme 
beeing spent in reading, translating and coppying his 
Majesties [Charles I.] lettres to the Generall of Battavia 
or Dutch Commaunders whereso[e]ver. The OriginaUs 
Were Dehvered us againe*. They told us the Portugalles 

^ Bhatkal, a port 25 miles south of Honavar (Onore), belonging to the 
Keladi chiefs of Ikkeri. The full headline to this Relation in the MS. is 
" China Voiage outward bound From Goa unto Battacala in East India." 

2 The MS. has the date 1636 up to the 25th March. To avoid 
confusion, the year, as at present reckoned, is given throughout. 

^ The harbour of Goa, formed by the promontories of Bardez and 
Salsette, is divided by the Cabo into two anchorages, Agoada and Mor- 
mugao, the latter being Mundy's " Inner Roade." 

* From theVoyage of Weddell's Fleet {State Papers, Dom.,Chas. /.,cccLi. 
No. 30) we learn that Thomas Robinson and Captain Molton were " sent 
aboard the Admirall " with the King's letter to the Dutch " generalls, 
Comanders, &c." ; that the commander " enterteyned them freindlie," 
and " according to their request wrott an affirmation on the back side 
thereof, touching his receipt and perusall of the same. . . . The Ad- 
mirall with others came aboard our shipps and had the like welcome." 
For a copy of King Charles's letter to the Dutch, see Appendix A. No. 6. 


had killed them 5 Men, beesides hurt, receaving some 
shott in their Masts and tackling, and thatt they Were 
enordred to remayne in the roade untill May^: in thatt 
tyme to Doe their best to Dammage the Portugalles. They 
Will goe Near to hinder the Carracks returne For Portugall 
this yeare, and their greater vessells From going out 
or comming, butt as yett cannott Debarre their Frigatts 
thatt privilege, which is one of the Portugalis last refuge. 

The 18th [January 1636/7]. In the evening Wee 
parted with the Hollanders, they returning to the roade 
of Goa and Wee to prosecute our voyage. 

The igth and 20th [January 1636/7]. Wee anchored 
att Nightt, the barge beeing sent to coast it along the 
shoare to Discover whatt Ports, Rivers, Creekes, bales, 
etts. Were there away, as allsoe to enquire and speake 
with the Country people therof, with other Matters. 


The 21th [January 1636/7]. Wee anchored among 
some small Hands thwart of a faire large bay Named 
Carware ^ Heere wee wooded. From the Hand and 
the Mayne, my selffe with others went uppe one of the 
hilles. From whence Wee mightt see a low Flatt Hand in 
the Codde^ of the Bay, within which was an entraunce or 
straight which presently enlarged it selffe to a little sea, in 
some places aboutt 2 Mile broad, butt how farre it went 
uppe Wee could not Discerne. It had a spacious plaine on 
each side with Woodes and trees in sundry places. The 
Barge went on shore, butt could Not bee understood 
by the Country people, allthough they Were provided 

^ According to the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet, " they were by Comis- 
sion enjoyned to staie in Goa road till the loth of Aprill to the intent 
that no shipp might passe for Portugall that yeare, and that the next 
yeare there would be a fleet of 16 sailes to that purpose." 

^ Karwar in North Kanara, 50 miles south-east of Goa. 

^ An obsolete term for the inmost recess of a bay or inland sea. 
The " low Flatt Hand " is probably Devgad island, the largest of the 
cluster of islets known as the Oyster Rocks. 


with linguists [interpreters], butt here None of them 
currant [understood]. Many small Hands along the 
shoare hereaboutts. 

The 2'^d [January 1636/7]. Wee came before Onore, 
a place of the PortugallsS about 21 leagues From Goa, 
Where lay 40 or 50 Frigatts laden with Rice bound for 

The Cinamon Fleete in company with the Fleete 
of provisions bound for Goa. 
From thence Wee came and Anchored under a small 
Hand to the Northward of Battac[a]la. Rightt ashoare 
lay aboutt 200 vessells, some within a point of a sand 
and some withoutt. Amongst these were 16 bigger 
vesselles with topmasts, beeing the Cinamon Fleete 
come from Zeiloan [Ceylon] : some few Frigatts of 
Warre For convoy, the rest laden with Rice and provi- 
sion, bound aU For Goa. They say they make 3 or 4 
returnes yearly, only with provisiones and only For 
supply of the Hand of Goa. 

Anchored before Bataacala Creeke. 
Wee having Delivered them a lettre Directed to Don 
Phellippe Mascarennas^, Captaine of the Castle of 
Bardesse^, ett[s]., Wherin W^ee advised him whatt wee 
heard From the Dutch*, And receaving another letter 
From the Captaine of the Frigatts there to the Gover- 
nour of Mangalore, an other place of the PortugaUes 
[blank] leagues Southward ^ if soe wee mightt there 

^ Onore or Honavar, headquarters of Honavar taluk, in North 
Kanara district, is 50 miles south-east of Karwar. In the i6th and 
early 17th centuries it exported much rice. The Portuguese erected 
a fort there in 1505. 

^ Dom Filippe Mascarenhas became Viceroy of Goa in 1644. 

' See ante, p. 44, n. ^. 

* This letter (O.C. 1587), which contains details regarding the 
movements of the Dutch in addition to those given by Mundy, is 
printed in English Factories, 1634 — 1637, pp. 7 — 8. 

^ Mangalore in Mangalore taluk, South Kanara district. The 
Portuguese seized the town in 1596. 


chaunce to toutche, Wee sett saile and past a little 
Forward, Anchoring within a Mile of the shoare, before 
the going in to Battacala. This is the place I mentioned 
in the Forepart of this Journall, when wee mett with 
Babarautts Frigatts, From whome wee receaved some 
Pepper in exchaunge of a brass e gun found by Swally^ 
Captaine Weddell, then allsoe our Comaunder^, wrote 
a lettre by him to the Naigue [Ndyak, chief] or King of 
the Country, advising him that hee would shortly come 
with shippes to his ports to settle a trade in his Country 
which is Now all ready in part performed. This place 
is aboutt 7 leagues From Onore. 

Abstracte of part of the Month of January 1636/7. 

17th. Sett saile From Goa in the Morning. Longitude 

from Goa. 
i8th. Wee parted From the Hollanders. 
19th. Anchored att Nightt. 
20th. Anchored att Nightt. 
2ist. Anchored and Wooded att Careware. 
22nd. Anchored by Onore, 
23rd. Anchored by Battacala ^ 
24th. Anchored in the roade Neare the shoare. 

^ See vol. II. p. 316 and footnote for an account of Baba Rawat 
and the brass gun exchanged for pepper. The friendly relations 
between Baba Rawat and Courteen's factors were much resented by 
the Portuguese. See the Viceroy's letter of October 1637 at the end 
of this Relation. 

* Captain Weddell in the Jonas commanded the fleet, with which 
the Mary, carrying Mundy as a passenger, sailed from Swalley in 1634. 

' The Voyage of Weddell's Fleet [State Papers, Dom., Chas. I., cccli. 
No. 30) gives further details under date the 23rd January: " We . , . 
came to Batacalla, and dispeeding our boat ashore to discover and learn 
what trade might be had in that place, Captaine Weddell haveing 
about 3 yeares since bene envited thether upon great hopes, the Saban- 
dar [shdhbandar, harbour superintendent] or Customer of the Towne 
accompanied with the kings merchante came aboard the Dragon and 
gave us a friendlie welcome, with full assurance of all good entertaine- 
ment, putting us in hope of a present quantitie of pepper for the dispatch 
of one of our small shipps, and this although they urged somewhat 
beyond truth, to the end that we might not goe sodenlie from their port, 
we have since (with some delaie) found to be reall, and what the isshue 
will be, time will produce to the undoubted profitt of successors. 


Gon these 8 Dales From Goa to Battacala, some of 
Miles 114. 

These 8 Dales wee had breezes, to say land turnes 
and Sea turnes. In the Morning off the shoare and att 
even From Sea^ 

Of our proceedings etts. att Battacala : 
A Contracte made and not performed. 

A few Dales after our arrlvall, Advice came From the 
King 2, who was certified of our beelng here, and a con- 
tracte was Made beetweene our Principalis and his 
officers to have a shlppes lading of pepper, to Dehver 
4 walghtts of Lead For 3 of pepper ^^ : butt shortly 
they beegan to Cavill, protracting Delivery, Demaunding 
part in Ryalls of 8*'. as allsoe 10 or 12 per Cento more 
in the lead then was agreed For, Whereuppon, For 
redresse hereof as allsoe to procure and confirme a future 
trade here and an abiding in this Country, Mr Thomas 
Robbinson was enordred to proceed to the Court to 
treat with the king about the particulars aforemen- 

^ This is the usual phenomenon in tropical seas in fine dry weather 
such as occurs at this season. It is caused by the relative temperature of 
land and sea, the land being cooler at sunrise and hotter by sunset 
than the sea and the still air being drawn towards the warmest 

^ See infra for a copy of this letter taken from MS. Rawl. A. 299, at 
the Bodleian Library. This MS. comprises, in addition to a copy of 

the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet and the Continuation of the China Voyage 
(which will be noted later), various Consultations, letters, etc., con- 
nected with the expedition chronicled by Mundy. No other copies 
of these documents, which I have styled Courteen Papers, appear to 

' The Voyage of Weddell's Fleet adds (under date 27th January) 
that this arrangement included " customes and all charges," and that a 
letter and present were immediately sent " to the Kinge who liveth 
3 daies jorney upp in the Countrie, who by his annswere was pleased to 
allowe what was done and to promise a grant of what we should in 
reason demand ; and so with a present of goats, henns, rice, &c. , 
welcomed us to his ports." 


Extract from Courteen Papers {MS. Rawl. A. 299, 
fol. 188). 

A coppie of a lettre from Beer Buddra Naige [Vira 

Bhadra Nayak] Kinge of Mallinar [MalnadJS 

dated the 14th of February 1636 [1637], 

translated out of the Canara language 

into Portuguez and Englished. 

By a lettre received from you I am informed of 
your safe arrivall and that you were invited to this 
port of Bata Calla longe since, and that you came 
in the waie of trafique, I have therefore enordred 
Mange Naigue^ to take notice of all your merchan- 
dize and to weighe you out all the pepper that is 
to be procured at present, and have likewise received 
the presents which you sent me at your first arrivall 
in the port. Mange Naigue writes unto me that you 
desire much in the behalfe of your Kinge to hold 
amitie with this Countrie, which I am hartelie glad to 
understand, as your selfe hereafter shall perceive, for 
I shall most willinglie embrace your Kings f reindshipp 
and shall cause to be putt into your hands aswell all 
the pepper as other merchandize of this Countrie, de- 
siring likewise that you would bring me whatsoever 
raritie and good things of your Countrie. 

I received your present according to your lettre 
and have Hkewise returned you such things as by 
a roll therewith sent will apeare. 

Icary [Ikkeri] 14th February 1636 [1637]. 

Extract from the Voyage ofWeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, 
Dom.,Chas. /.,cccLi. No. 30). 
Further particulars of proceedings at Bhatkal. 

I0//^ February [1636/7]. Haveing concluded upon 
the shipp Planter to be dispeeded for Europe and 
she being fitted to that end, we beganne to land of 
our lead and to waie some small quantitie of pepper, 

^ For a note on Vira Bhadra Nayak and his kingdom, see p. 8i. 

2 Manjhl Nayak. Mdnjhi means properly a coxswain, head of a 
boat's crew, but the term is used also as an official title. In this case 
Manjhl Nayak signifies a chief officer, minister. 


which comeing downe out of the Countrie very 
slowly by reason the king and the Portugalls have 
latelie bene at some difference, and thereupon that 
Comoditie was transported over land to Cambaia 
or elsewhere, nor is not at anie time brought thether 
but when the merchants are readie to shipp it awaie, 
the towne being of no defence to resist the Malabars 
or anie other invasive enemies. The Kings officers 
there, fearing our discontent upon their supposed 
slackness, which might turn to their prejudice if 
we should depart unsatisfied, they pretended divers 
soothing excuses and delaies, untill at last it was 
resolved that to understand the certainety of matters, 
Thomas Robinson should passe upp to the Court and 
treat with the king about our trade and residence 
there. In the meane time his Majesties Officer 
at Batacala came aboard the Dragon and requested 
in his Masters behalfe to be furnished with a piece 
of Ordnance, which was granted and referred to his 
owne election, and a Demiculverin out of the Dragon 
was for that purpose with all its apurtenances put 
ashore, the portraiture whereof was drawne out with 
its proportion and length and sent to the king, 
together with a present of Rich Scarlett [broadcloth] 
and some other things, by Thomas Robinson, who 
being accompanied with Peter Mundaie and 2 
Enghsh youths to attend them, departed from 
Baticala this present eveninge (21th), and the next 
night with some difficultie attained the height of the 
mounteynes of Ballaguate, arriving the second 
dale after (24th) at the Cittie of Itary, the seate of 
the king, the successe of whose Journey is by 
themselves thus breifly related ^ 

Mr Robbinson sett forward to the King. 

The 21th February [1636/7]. Mr Robbinson afforesaid, 
my selffe and other 2 English sett forward, and thatt 
evening wee lay att the townes end (i mile), in a Pagode. 
It seemes they serve here to harbour passengers in their 

^ For Robinson's account of the proceedings at Ikkeri, see infra, 
after Mundy's narrative. 


Cources round aboutt (like to the Saraes aboutt Guzaratt 
[Gujarat]) as well as For Devotion^ 

The 22th [February 1626/7]. Wee Departed thence 
and came to Hadowlee, a towne some 6 miles from 
Battacala^, and is even such another ruinated place, 
viz., stone walles, Pagodes, etts ; among [them] the old 
queenes' habitation (Castle like), the Country beeing 
taken from her by this Mans grandffather and ruinated. 

A high Filler of Brasse. 
Beffore one of the Pagodes standes a brasse colume 
or pillar, aboutt 8 yards in heightt besides the pedestall 
wheron it standes, which is of stone. The pillar may 
bee aboutt 17 or 18 inches Diameter, hollow within, the 
brasse aboutt J inche thicke*. 

The Mountaines of Ballagatt. 
Wee Dyned a little withoutt the towne, and having 
rested a while, Wee ascended a high and steepy hill^ 
aboutt 3 miles From the Foote to the toppe. This is 
part of thatt ridge of Mountaines thatt runnes all alongst 
these countries, called the Mountaines of Ballagatte*, 
this beeing very wooddy with very faire high straightt 
timber trees' and Much thicketts, the habitation of 

^ Mundy means that they rested in the open porch (maniapam) 
of a temple (koil), often used by travellers for that purpose 

^ Hadvalli is 11 miles north-east of Bhatkal. Its old name is Sangh- 
tapur, and it was formerly a residence of the Vijayanagar kings. 

^ This is probably the " Queene of Baticola " mentioned by Lin- 
schoten in 1588 (Linschoten, ed. Tiele, 11. 220 — 221) as contracting 
with the Portuguese to supply them with pepper. See infra (descrip- 
tion of Bhatkal) for further remarks on the history of the place. 

* Mundy is describing one of the pillars {stambha) usually found 
outside temples, probably in this case the dhvaja-stambha or flagstaff 
of a Shaiva (Hindu) temple. 

^ Hogavadi Pass. 

* Balaghat, i.e., the country above the passes. Mundy mistook 
this term for the name of a mountain range. The ridge that he crossed 
was the Sahyadri hills. 

' There are fine forests of teak, blackwood, etc., in the Sahyadri 
hills, the trees being 80 to 150 ft. high, with fine clean stems 60 to 90 ft. 
high and 5 to 12 ft. in girth. 


Wild beasts and Fowle. Of the latter Wee heard many 
unknowne and variable Note[s], especially one soe loud 
and shrill as I never heard the like. And Wee saw- 
others Flying, as bigge as turtle Doves, having a very 
long slender taile with a tufEt at the end of it, soe thatt 
itt appeared to us as though there had bin some thing 
Made Fast to his taile with a small string ^ as per this 

Greatt Mists and Dewes. 
Toward the toppe of the hill (5 miles) is a spring 
Making a little Rillett of Sweete Water, and on the 
toppe of all a Castle of Morter or Mudde walles. It 
Discends not presently [suddenly] ; neither is it plaine, 
butt hilly, with pretty store of Water. Beetweene here 
they sow some Rice. Thatt night Wee lay under a tree, 
butt towards Morning there was such a Mist and Dew, 
Incident to the toppes of these hilles, some cause of the 
Flourishing greenesse and growth of trees uppon them, 
that ours, beeing Mooved with a little gale of Wynde, 
lett fall Droppes in such aboundance thatt itt resembled 
a pretty shower of Raine, soe thatt wee Were gladd 
to remoove, having the last Journey gon aboutt 11 

Pretty Tillage. 

The 2^d February 1636/7. Wee kept on our Journey 
over and among those smalle hills. This Morning Wee 
saw 5 or 6 Deare^ butt I was told here breed No antelopes 
as in North India* ; all the vallies as Wee came taken 

^ Mr. W. L. Sclater informs me that Mundy is describing the 
Dissemurus paradiseus or Racket-tailed Drongo, found in the forests 
of southern India. The outer feathers of the tail are much elongated 
and end in a racket-shaped ■widening. The plumage is black and the 
head tufted. See Gates, Fauna: British Indian Birds, i. 325. 

2 See Illustration No. 8. 

* Probably the Spotted Deer, Axis maculatus, the native name for 
which is chJtal, at one time numerous both in N. and S. Kanara. 

* By " antelope " Mundy seems to mean the Indian Antelope or 
Black Buck (Antelope, Cervicapra). It would not breed in, or be found, 
in hilly or wooded country. 


uppe with Rice tillage, and Much of the skirtts of the 
hilles on either side cutt outt in levells or sundry Ascentts 
like steppes one above another, sometymes to the Number 
off 40 or 50, each resembling a pretty little greene Meddow 
and lying in thatt Manner. It Was a DeUghtsome and 
pleasauntt prospectt, For Rice as itt growes Must bee 
covered with Water, which the sides of the hills cannot 
hold, except they bee cutt and cast in levells or plaines 
as aforementioned. The Water comming From the 
higher ground Discends from one to another, soe thatt 
when the first is served, it is lett run in to the 2d, soe to 
the 3d, and Downe along to all the rest as they ly in 
order. Wee Dyned among the rockes of a small River 
by a large poole Made by the Water therof. Hitherto 
aboutt 8 Miles. 

The Palme tree on whose leaves they here write 
with Iron bodkins [stylus]. 

Hereaboutts wee saw a sort of Palme trees, whose 
leaves in this Country are used in steed of paper to 
Write uppon. It is like the Cocotree in stemme and 
leaves, butt the Cocotree, the Datetree and sundry 
other off thatt kind off leafe and body (as Farre as I 
could see) have onely one stemme each. This had 
many towards the toppe, comming out Hk soe many 
boughes, each with a tufft of leaves. I never saw any 
before, except one att Goa which they there call Palma 
de Matto or Wild Palme. Neither indeed Did I thinck 
there piad] bin any such^ 

^ Sir David Prain identifies this tree with the indigenous Hyphaene 
indica, the only Indian genus of Palms which is normally branched. 
It is recorded from Goa and its existence was only definitely established 
a few years ago. Therefore Mundy's reference to it is especially 
interesting. The expression " Palma de Matto " apparently signifies 
bushy palm (Port. ma(o, a place full of shrubs or bushes), but Mundy 
seems to have intended his description to apply to Palma brava, wild 
palm, the " Palmum brama " of Delia Valle (ed. Grey, ii. 291) and the 
" Palmeras-Bravas " of Thevenot (Pt. iii. p. 90). See Hobson-Jobson, 
s.v. Brab. 



____^^^ 1../.. . •--.-r-VT:-'*-^ _J., 


I O 









A Pepper gardein. 

The manner of the growing of the pepper plantt : 
The Berry. 

Thatt afternoone Wee passed through the same 
Manner of Countrie, and by the way wee came to some 
pepper gardeins, which they keepe, Manure [cultivate] 
and Dresse For their benefitt, and in this Country are 
after this Manner : First a greatt grove of tall, smalle 
betelnutt trees, which are orderly sett in ranckes. Att 
the Foote of these trees they sett the pepper plantt, 
which groweth uppe about the said tree to the heightt 
of 10 or 12 Foote, Clasping, twyning and fastning it 
selff theron round about as the Ivy Doth the oake or 
other trees with us. They continue 10 or 12 yeare 
yeilding good pepper ; then they sett new plantts, soe 
I was told. This yeares Croppe was newly gathered, 
some of it then lying a Drying in the sunne ; yett were 
there a few clusters, both greene and ripe, left among 
the leaves on the plant. The berry when it is Ripe 
beecommeth ruby red and transparent cleare (I mean 
the substance about the kernell, otherwise greene), as 
bigge as small pease, sweet and hott in tast. The kernell 
of the said berry is the pepper indeed. The berry they 
putt to Dry in the sunne and then that outward reddish 
substance Drieth, Rivelleth [shrivels] and beecommeth 
black, in few Dales, as Wee now see it. Then is it ready 
to bee transported. It groweth in long Clusters, as 
if one should File uppe 4 or 5 Dozen off small buttones 
on a string as close as hee could. They are 2 or 3 inches 
in lengths The Manner of these pepper gardeins I have 
here underneath sett by Figured 

^ This is an accurate description of a pepper garden. The black 
pepper vine. Piper nigrum, is planted at the foot of the betel palm 
when the trees are 13 years old. The vine bears in six or seven years 
and lives for about twenty-five. 

* See Illustration No. 9. 


An Areca or Betele-nutt tree : The Betele nutt : 
The Paan leafe. 
[Mundy's explanation of Illustration No. 9.] 
A signiffieth the truncke of the Betele nutt tree^ Where 
in a larger forme is Demonstrated in whatt manner 
the pepperplant groweth uppe about it, with the 
Forme of itts leaves and Fniite, 
B is an Arrecca or betelnutt tree, with the Fruite growing 
outt aloft in the trunck or stemme. The nutt 
it selfEe, when it is ripe in the huske, is of an 
orenge couUour, much bigger then a great Wallnutt. 
The kernell (which is only estimated) is a little 
bigger then a Nuttmegg, the inside greyish with 
white veynes. This is thatt thatt is eaten with 
Paan 2 and is used in Most of the easterne parts 
of the World. The paan leafe is like the pepper 
leafe and groweth uppe somwhatt after thatt 
manner, requiring a support. 
This evening [23rd February] wee came to a bigge 
River, named Hohbogull, running Nere a towne called 
Aneela'. Wee lodged at the fartherside off the River 
in a pagoda* aboutt 10 Miles From our Dyning place ; 
in all to Day 18 Miles. 


The 24th February [1636/7]. Wee came to a good 

tanck and there rested awhile, it beeing some 4 Miles 

From our last lodging. In our way Wee saw sundry 

straunge Anthills of 3 or 4 Foote highe. Full of little 

1 The Betel-palm, Sopdri, Areca catechu. 

2 Pan, the Betel-leaf vine, Piper betel. See vol. 11. pp. 96 — 97. 

3 Miindy crossed the Sharavati river at Hallibagai and seems to 
have confused the name of the river with the name of the village. 
His " Aneela " appears to be the same place as Delia Valle's "Ahineli, 
Ahinala," identified by his editor with the modern HoneUi, which is 
clearly a wrong identification for Avinhalli (Avinhully). See Delia 
Valle, ed. Grey, 11. 234, 244. 

* Delia Valle also " lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols " 
{op. cit. p. 234). 


No. II. A Strange Office. 

No. 13. A High Stone 

No. 10. Anthilles. 

No. 12. The cheifest Image 
of their Pasodes. 


Spires From the Foote to the toppe resembhng afarre 
offe the Modell of some structure or building. They 
are of tempred clay, hardned with the sunne, able to 
keepe outt Raine (I conceave), some 2 or 3 yards in 
Compasse and butt one entraunce. Wee came by while 
some were att worcke. I know not how they temper 
their clay, except with Dew, it beeing then early Daies^. 
I say, Wee finding them very busy building and repayring 
their habitation, left them at their worcke and came 
away. They are somwhatt according to the Designe 
above ^ hollow within. 

Eccaree^ the Kings Towne and Court. 
From the aforesaid tancke wee came unto Icaree, 
the Kings towne and Court, is [? it] beeing som 4 miles 
From the tancke. Our course From Battacala hither 
Nearest hand east by Judgement, and from here awayes, 
as Farre as wee could Descry or extend our sightt towards 
the East, the Country resembled England For the lovely, 
lowly round rising hills. 

The Kings setting in State : The Manner. 
The 2^th February [1636/7]. Wee were admitted to 
the presence of Beere Buddra Naigue, king of Mollinare* 

^ Mundy is describing a nest of White Ants {Termites, in Kanarese, 
chedalu). He seems to have been unaware that they work the clay 
for their habitations with their jaws. 

^ See Illustration No. 10. 

' Ikkeri, in the Shimoga district of Mysore, was the seat of the 
Keladi chiefs who rose to importance in 1560 and subsequentl}^ trans- 
ferred their capital to Ikkeri. In 1639 the capital v.^as removed to 
Bednur. Ikkeri is now an insignificant village of under 200 inhabitants 
and is not shown on the Indian Atlas sheet of 1892 — 1899, though 
it appears in capitals as an important place in the sheet of 1827. There 
is a remarkable difference in the detailed place nomenclature hereabouts 
between the sheets of 1827 and 1892. 

* Vira Bhadra Nayak (1629 — 1645), grandson of Venkatappa 
Nayak who threw off the yoke of the Vijayanagar rulers. See Delia 
Valle's account of his journey from Onore (Honavar) to Ikkeri and his 
description of Venkatappa Nayak and his Court (Delia Valle, ed. 
Grey, 11. 216 — 284). By " MoUinare " Mundy means Malnad, the 
hill district. See Foster, English Factories, 1637 — 1641, p. 5 n., for 
this identification and for further information regarding the chiefs 
of Ikkeri. 

M. Ill 6 


(For thatt is his title). It beeing a great Festivall of the 
Jentues^ (himselffe one), hee sate in state, soe having 
Idssed his hands and Delivered our present, Hee caused 
us to come uppe and sitt by him. I Dare say there is 
hardly such another grosse proportionable Man to bee 
Found in all his owne Dominiones, off aboutt 30 yeares 
of age. Hee hath many Wives and Weomen ; Never a 
Child. Hee sate after the Indian Manner, With Wellnigh 
a pecke of sweet Flowers strung and hung over his Necke 
and shoulders 2, some as belts, others as collars. These 
at tymes Were taken away, and others Fresh broughtt, 
as it were every quarter or halffe hower ; his Neck and 
armes loden with ritch Ornamentts of gold sett with 
pretious stones. One his eares hung great pearles, as 
bigge as pretty [fine] hazelnutts 

His Nobles. 

Hee sate foremost on an elevated place like our 
theaters or stages, his greatt ones beehind or within 
him, all besett allsoe with Jewells, Chaines. collars, 
braceletts, armebands, etts. of gold, with stones off 
great price. Their haire (which they lett grow) is bound 
uppe in a fine large handkercheife hanguing in a lumpe 
or bunch one one side of their heads (as in the figure 
of the Mistmaker over the leafe»). This is the usuall 
fashion From the king to the common Man ; the Weomen 
in the same Manner butt withoutt a Cloath ; soe heare 
the Men Wear kercheiffes and the Weomen None*. 

1 Shivratra or Mahashivratri (the Night of Shiva), a festival of 
great importance to the Lingayats, to which sect the Keladi chiefs 
belonged. It is held on the 28th Magh (end of February or beginning 
of March). It consists of the purification of the lingas, winding up 
with sacrifices and an all night vigil with reading of " Purdnas " in 
honour of Shiva. No doubt, in addition, the chief held an audience 
in state during the festival. 

* In the ordinary Indian fashion on state occasions. 

8 See Illustration No. 11. 

« See Delia Valle, ed. Grey. 11. 248, for the " caps " and " turbants " 
•worn by men at Ikkeri when he was there in 1623. 


His Dauncing and Singing Weomen. 

The king and his Nobles sitting in the Manner affore- 
said, all the rest of the people stood on the lower ground 
on each side. Within them againe on either side stood 
Dauncing and Singuing Weomen off all ages, with ritch 
and Massy (I may say gold) girdles, Jewells, etts., there 
[? these] beeing the beautifuUest (it may bee presumed) 
that this Countrie affords, and For their lineamentts 
not to bee contemned, as not inferiour to any off other 
countries, wanting only our Coullour, which is supplied 
with a good Durable browne with some appearance off 
red among. However, they adorned and Well became 
the place. Beetweene all Was left a good space For the 
Daunces, shewes, etts., which were various ; his eares 
perpetually enterteyned with Noise, as Drummes, pipes, 
singing, etts. 

Strange Congratulations. 

Moreover, every Foote [incessantly] some bramane 
[Brahman] or other From among the rest thatt were 
somwhatt Near him Would bee making acclamationes, 
with as loud a voice as possibly hee could. And others, 
rather then hee should want Noise, would whoope and 
hallow outright, withoutt any articulation att all. These, 
I conceave, are blessings, praises, congratulationesi. 
This was performed in one of his gardein hou[s]es. See 
after wee had sate a while, it beeing then no tyme of 
businesse, hee licensed our Departure, causing us first 
to bee invested with Pammerins (a kind of a fine, thin 
cloath worne in India in lieu of Cloakes and Mantles) ' ; 
and soe wee went to our house appointed. 

^ Mundy probably mistook the reading of " Purdnas " in a loud 
monotone for " acclamationes." 

' See vol. II. p. 218 (where Mundy spells the word " Pummering ") 
for the derivation of this term, 



A present sent us From the King. 

The next Day was sent us in a present of provisiones 
(according to these Countries custome), as sheepe, hennes, 
Rice, Fruites off sundry sorts, wherof many I had nott 
scene before 

The King invited us to Supper : our Furniture and 
our Fare. 

The 28th off February [1636/7]. The King invited 
us to supper, Where our table-Cloath and Dishes were 
of plantaine leaves sowed together. Wee had att least 
20 severall sorts of Achare [dchdr], to say, pickled Fruits, 
as Mangos, Cardamum, greene pepper, etts., to relish 
Meates, As wee use olives. Capers, Cowcumbers, etts. 
In our Dishes Wee had Milk, both sweet and sower, 
and sirruppes of severall sorts. Rice wee had Dressed 
in sundry manners, all spred in Divers percells on the 
plaine leaves, as Was the achare. The King himselffe 
sate by us with a rod in his hand, pointing to this or 
thatt hee would have us eate, beeing Desirous (it seemes) 
Wee should fast of all. Our Drinck was such as hee 
himselff Drancke, even perfumed Water. 

Strange accommodation and the reason of it. 

This was thatt Kingly banquett, Wherin was greatt 
variety, all though there were Neither table Nor stooles, 
trencher nor Napkin, knives nor spoones, Fish nor Flesh, 
Wine nor any strong Drincke (the greatest Want of all). 
For you must understand our Meat [food] was on a stone 
or brick bench. Wee sate on the ground. They neither 
eat Flesh nor Fish, Nor Drinck strong Drincke. Beesides, 
our toutching any of their Implements is odious to them, 
and thatt vessell, etts., held uncleane. And these are 
the reasons Why Wee were soe accomodated as you have 
before heard. 


The King gave us his Firmaeni. Our Dismission 
and leave to returne to Battacala againe. 

After supper hee gave us a Firmaen to build a house 
att Battacala, With permission of trade in his Country, 
telling us hee would give order to his officers there to 
agree with us Favourably concerning the Former 
Contract. Soe againe giving us Serpaus^, viz., some 
guifts of Lynnen, licensing us to returne to Battacala 
againe. Wee tooke our leaves and Went home to our 

Fighting of Elephant and Buffaloes : A Machine of 

In this Interim the King had his Fighting ot 
Elephantts, buffaloes, etts. The Manner of the Former 
is sett Downe in Fo : 54 of this booke*. There Was 
allsoe in a spatious place before their Cheife Dewra 
[deurd, temple] or pagode A Fabricke or Machine of 
exceeding greatnesse and excellent Workmanship in 
Carving, itt beeing of Wood and stood on 6 greatt 
Wheeles, each 9 or 10 Foote high. On this Fabricke 
Were added long poles, bambooes and great hoopes, 
all which was covered over with coullored Callicoes, 
resembhng one of the towers of their Dewraes or Pagodes 
and mightt well compare with it for heightt and bignesse. 
In sundry compartmentts therof were placed Men or 
Children, and in the others Images. Soe this engine 
by 2 good Cables and a Multitude of people was Drawne 
through the Streetes, and was performed the Day before 
wee arrived, butt the Structure remayned there entire 
may Dales after ; as allsoe of 2 other ugly Figures, 

^ Farmdn, signed order, royal grant. 

* Saropd, a robe of honour. It is interesting to note that the 
gift of the full suit {sar-o-pd, from head to foot) of Persia and further 
north has become a gift of cloth by the time the custom reached 
Southern India. 

* See vol. II. pp. 127 — 128. 


Drawne allso by people to encounter together : the 
Action obsceane and ridiculous ^ 

Greatt Store of smalle Swyne. 

Hogges, sowes, pigges, etts., greatt store going upp 
and Downe Streetes, butt many of them of soe smalle 
a size as I never saw the like, For the sowes thatt had 
pigges- seemed rather to bee the Pigges of some other 
Sow For their littlenesse. 

Description of Eecaree with some Particularities therof. 

The towne or Citty of Icaree is very greatt, with many 
spatious Streetes, bazares, etts. places. The houses 
generally of tempred Morter, low, with one Floore, 
commonly striped on the outside white and Red, as 
hanguings are painted with us in Drincking houses. 
There are severall great tanckes, Wherof one very 
Costly Now building. Few Pagodes'. The weomen 
attired after the Guzaratt Manner, their haire excepted, 
which they Wear on the one side as aforementioned ^ 
Coaches such as they have att Suratt^ Costly Palan- 
quines and ritche quitasoles^ ; this latter much used 
here among the greater sort. 

^ A fair description of the processional car {rath) attached to 
every Hindu temple of importance in Southern India for the purpose of 
the annual procession of the god through the town or village to which 
the god is attached. Compare Delia Valle's description of the " Carr " 
or " Charriot " that he saw at Ikkeri in 1623, with its " two great 
wooden statues . . . one of a Man, the other of a Woman [Shiva 
and Parbatlj " (Delia Valle, ed. Grey, 11. 260). 

^ Mundy is using the term pig in its proper sense as the young of 
the hog and the sow. 

' Compare Delia Valle's description of Ikkeri in 1623 (Delia Valle, 
ed. Grey, 11. 244 — 245, 250 — 251). 

* See ante, p. 82. See also Delia Valle, ed. Grey 11, 257 — 258, 
for a description of female attire in Ikkeri in 1623. 

' See vol. II. p. 189. 

• Port, quita-sol, umbrella. See vol. 11. pp. 126, 195. 


A Strange Office. 
Att our Comming away came Divers of the Kings 
officers and servants to Demaund some gratuity, as is 
the Custom in these Countries When any receave any 
Favours From the[i]r Kings, lords or Masters, and are 
importunate and will hardly bee denied ; among the 
rest one who sometymes attendeth aboutt the King, 
carrying a skynne full of water which hee letts goe through 
a smalle pipe on his Fingers, which by him beeing squeezed 
or compressed, issues with a greatt Force, and striking 
against the Naile of his thumb or Finger is by thatt 
Meanes soe Dispersed thatt it resembles a Mist or a 
smalle shower of Raine, hardly to bee Discerned, butt 
the Moisure and coolenesse is easily Felt, soe thatt his 
Majesty May call for raine and have it at his pleasure, 
which is most likely in tyme of heatts^ 

Our Departure Eccaree. 
The 28th off February [1636/7]. Wee returned home- 
ward, the First nightt too our old lodging by the River 
of Hadowlee [HadvalH], I say, HoHibogull^. The first 
of Marche to Hadowlee, 22 miles, and the 2d Ditto unto 
our house att Battacala, 7 Miles More ; in all from 
Icarree hither 37 Miles by my computation'. Here 
the[y] reckon itt 6 gawes, every gau 4 corse of India 
of the largest, which is i| mile each*. 

^ This is a good description of the action of a bheesty (hahishti), 
the universal watercarrier of India, with his mussuck (mashk) used for 
a cooling spray at a hot S. Indian Court. 
^ See ante, p. So. 

' For the outward journey Mundy's reckoning is as follows : — 
Bhatkal to the outskirts of the town . i mile. 

Outskirts of Bhatkal to Hadvalli . . 6 miles. 

Hadvalli to top of Hogvadi Pass . 5 ., 

Hogvadi to Hallibagal . . . i8 ,, 

Hallibagal to Ikkeri . . . 8 „ 

Total . , . . . 38 miles. 

* Marathi, gau, an ancient measure of distance, varying from 4 
to 9 miles, still preserved in S. India and Ceylon. 


Extract from the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, 
Dom., Chas. I., cccLi. No. 30). 

Thomas Robinson's account of the visit to Ikkeri. 

Comeing to Itary [Ikkeri] in the afternoone, 
we were mett and enterteyned by an antient gentle- 
man who is master of the kings horse and whose 
Sonne is Register [secretary] at Baticola. He 
invited us to his house where we supped and lodged 
that night, the king being a mourner for the death 
of his nurse (buried that daie) and so not to be 
spoken with ; but early in the morninge we had a 
house apointed for us whether, upon our entrance, 
were sent provisions of sheepe, hens, rice, &ca by 
the kinge, and after dinner wee were called to the 
pallace where was an extraordinary shewe purposely 
prepared for our enterteynement with a tragicall 
representation of some antient history of those 
parts, as also sundrie dances both of men and women 
[Shivratra Festival]. 

Being aproched, we made our sumba^ or reverence 
to the King, and Thomas Robinson, laying the 
letters of Creditt which he brought upon his head, 
did presentlie deliver them unto him, and then 
both he and Peter Munday, haveing kissed his 
hand, were willed to sitt downe upon a large Carpett 
about 2 yards distant from himselfe, who satt in 
very great state with most of his nobilitie about 
him in a most grave and reverent manner far beyond 
the ordinary port of these heathen princes. 

Then we brought in our present and lait it before 
him and delivered him the draught of the great 
gunne, wherewith hee expressed himselfe highlie 
contented, and with a royall promise of his absolute 
lirmana to all our demands, investing us after the 
Countrie manner with certaine slight clothes, dis- 
missed us for the present, accompanied home to 
our house with divers of his people. 

The next daie he sent us word to have all our 

^ Also " sumbra " (Malay sembah), a salutation. See Bowrey, 
ed. Temple, p, 307 and footnote. 


messages and demands drawn out into the Language 
of the Countrie, promising us audience the morrow 
followinge. This we procured forthwith to be 
done and then began to make waie to his cheife 
secretary and prime persons about him, whom we 
presented with such things as for that purpose we 
had brought with us, by which meanes wee had 
soone caught all this Court Covey in our pursenett, 
they promising and indeed (which is rare) performinge 
whatsoever could be expected, so that, according 
to his Majesties word and our own wish, we were 
called to Court in the eveninge (27th) and brought 
into a private Chamber to the great wonder of 
all those presente, being accompanied with his 
choisest privadoes. 

Wee supped with greate varietie of cheere after 
the Bramenes manner (who eate nothing that hath 
hfe) , himselfe with a longe wand in his hand reachinge 
from dishe to dish and enviteinge us to fast therof. 
After supper he firmed [signed] his grant to our 
demands and sent it to the governour of Bati Calla 
by ourselves, the Contents whereof, together with 
the somme of our whole message followethe. 

I. After the cheife cause of our Comeinge, which 
was to render him thancks for his man}^ favours 
and to desire the Continuance thereof accordinge 
as he should finde us to Compile with our promises. 

2 In the next place we desired a plott of ground 
and materialls to build with and to be supplied 
for our mone\^ with workemen and Laborers. 

3. We certefied him what benifitt accrewed to 
the MoguU by our nation trading at Surratt and 
that the like or greater might be brought to this 
place if Clothe and other Comodities may be here 
iiad at reasonable rates. 

4. Wee desired to be informed what quantities 
of pepper male be had here yearhe and what Cloth, 
lead and other Comodities of our Countrie he would 
take of for the same in exchange. 

5. That seeing we come not hether with our 
famelies to plant or make conquest in his or anie 
other princes dominions, nor bring with us any friers 


to reduce [seduce] his people from their religion and 
Customes, he would be pleased to take into his 
princely consideration that we might be licenced 
to plant some force on shore for our defence against 
the portugalls, on whose freindshipp we could not 
relie, which if at anie time he suspected, wee knowe 
his power sufficient to race [sic ? raze] in a moment, 
for wee have noe Citties nor soldiers in India tO' 
support and supplie us to contest with princes as 
doe the Portugalls, our intents being only traficque 
and merchandize, as may apeare in that the space 
of 40 yeares the English would never plant nor 
erect anie, though they had manie oportunities ; 
And [though] by the abuses off red us by the Portugalls,. 
Ormus was taken from them by our now present 
Admirall, we freeUe rendred it upp to the kinge of 
Persia, the right lord thereof 1. 

6. We desired to knowe what he required either 
out of England or out of China 

7. And lastlie, we craved his firmana for our 

To each of these perticulers he answered as 

1. Our thanks he accepted and assured us of 
all kinde usage, protesting that he doubted not 
of our honorable . performance in what we should 

2. He granted us by his pattent a large plott of 
ground lying very Comodiously by the river side 
to build us a house, the ruyned parts whereof will 
aford us squared stone enuffe for that purpose, 
and moreover, in the same patent he hath given 
us timber, of which there is no want, and all materialls, 
we paying onlie for laborers hire, which in these 
parts is very cheape. 

3. He seemed very sensible of the benifitt which 
the port of Suratt had gained by the trade of the 
English and promised to endeavour his best for 
the bringing in of weavers &c. into his Countrie, 

For the capture of Ormuz from the Portuguese by the Persians, 
assisted by Weddell, see vol. 11. p. 303, footnote. 


of the effecting whereof in a short time he is very 

4. For pepper he assured us that we might finde 
yearhe betweene 1500 and 2000 Candills in that 
port, besides the trade of the whole cost, each Candill 
conteyninge about 4 kintalls Portuguez^ and that 
he would both incorage his subjects in the manuringe 
[cultivating] of the trees which of late, in the dead 
times of trade, they have neglected, and would 
likewise publish an edict throwgh all his Countrie 
that all the pepper should be for us and none to 
be exported either by sea or land. For Cloath, 
Lead, Corall or any other rarities out of Europe, 
he will take them of in barter of pepper and paie 
us the overplus in money. 

5. He is sensible of the honnour and valor of 
our Nation in surprising of Ormus and other their 
exploits in India and will be all waies ready to assist 
and protect them in his Dominions against whomso- 
ever, adding farther that his Countrie is ours, wherein 
for our defence and Content we may doe what we 
shall thincke fitt. 

6. From England and China he desireth all 
rarities, for which we shall receive satisfaction to 
our owne content, but Cheifelie (and which for 
the future we have promised him) horses from 
Persia and Arabia, to which end a shipp from that 
port may yearlie be sent thither in September or 
October to returne againe in March foUowinge, 
or sooner, and to good benifitt. 

7. Lastlie, he desired to see those marchants 
who were to live in his Countrie, with whom he 
promised to Contract both for the premises and 
for whatsoever else in season they should desire, 
and to grant them his absolute firmana, enter- 
changeablie subscribed on both parties, which is 
also performed. And so we tooke our leaves and 
were with singular demonstration of good affection, 

^ The khandi, candil, candy, was 20 man, and this passage shows 
that the man as measured in Kanara was then about 20 lbs., which 
is what one might expect. 


Extracts from Courteen Papers {MS. Rawl. A. 299, 
Ms. 188—189). 

A second lettre from the Kinge [of Bhatkal]. 

By a lettre received from you I understand of 
your good health, of which I am right gladd. I 
have enordred Mange Naigue that he presenthe 
out of hand weigh you out 300 Candees of pepper, 
and for the other 200, it shall be in due time in 
September next delivered to your Agent that 
remaines at Bata Calla. I have likewise enordred 
the governor of Bata Calla that hee apoint you a 
warehouse to laie upp the 250 Candees of lead 
which I understand you have landed. 

And likewise that he see to the delivery of the 
300 Candees pepper in trucke of the lead which 
you are to deliver at the rate of 22^ pago[das] the 
Candee. And for the overplus arising from the price 
of the pepper, 7I pago. upon the Candee, I have 
enordred Mange Naig to buy Comodities of you 
for it, if you can agree on the price, or else money. 

Touching the procuring of weavers etc., which 
you solhcited, they dwell not in my Countrie, but 
I will envite them to come from whence they are, 
and will cause you to be served with cloth of my 
Countrie here, such as you desire to buy, and will 
also deliver you all my pepper every yeare according 
to this price agreed. 

If you bring good horses of Persia or Arabia, 
I will buy them and paie you in pepper. 

Likewise, if you bring Corall, silke, pearle, or 
anie other good Comodities of value, I will paie 
you for them in pepper and money. 

Touching a house to dwell in and warehouses 
for your goods and a wharf, I have written to the 
governour of Bata Calla to furnish you with 
materialls, you only paying the workmens charge. 

He is also enordred to apoint you a buriall 
place for your dead. 

You write to me how some base people had 
misinformed mee of your nation, but I knowe and 
beUeve that you are grave persons, and if anie 


man shall speake evill of you unto me, I promise 
you for my part not to give Creditt to them. 

All things elce I have referred to Mange Naige 
and he shall informe you in perticuler. 

Icary primo Marcy 1636 [1637]. 

A third letter from the Kinge. 

Since your being in Bata Calla, I have by your 
lettres and messenger understood all your news 
and am very glad to understand of your healths 
and intent to live in my Countrie, being such noble 
and grave persons. 

Touching what you write to me concerning a 
house in Bata Calla and the trade of pepper, I have 
already given order to the Governor to accomodate 
you ; and for the pepper I will yearlie deliver it 
to you and have given Comandment for the present 
that all that can be brought downe shall be weighed 
unto you. Touchinge trade I have also written you 
in perticuler what I desire, by which you maie 
informe yourselves what to bring or send from your 
Countrie, the comodities whereof you may bring 
into this port and also shipp anie the goods of my 
Countrie as is usuall amongst merchants with all 

And whereas I desire manie horses of Ormus, 
whosoever shall bring them, I will cause him to be 
well satisfied either with pepper or money. 

Your messenger here told me that the time of the 
yeare was now past and that the ships were to goe 
for China and other parts, but the next yeare I 
might be served ; whereupon I have given order 
to provide you with rice, etc. for the ensuinge yeare. 

The Portugalls tell me they would faine see anie 
merchandize or good things come from the English, 
but doe not you esteeme their pratinge. 

Herewith I send you a present according to the 
roUe, etc. 

Icary 12 Marcy 1636 [1637]. 

Concordant cum Lusitanica 
versione. Tho: Robinson. 


Sicknesse and Mortalitie in the whole Fleete, 
especially in the Sunne and Planter. 

Att our arrivall [at Bhatkal] Wee understood thatt 
since our Departure thence very strong pestilentiall 
leavers [malaria] had bin in the Fleete, especially aboard 
the Sunne and our shippe Planter, Soe thatt Many Died 
therof. Thatt Morning Word was broughtt thatt our 
boatswaine was Dead, and Within an houre after came 
tidings thatt Mr John Hilli was Departed this Kfe. 

Aboutt 80 persons dead in the Fleet since our 
comming From England. 

I say that Wee have allready lost outt of our little 
shippe Planter Most off our principall officers, viz., the 
Master and boatswaine aforementioned, the Surgeon, 
Cooper boateswaines mate, our Armourer, all our 
quarter Masters (I thincke). I say all these and others 
have beene buried in 10 Monthes outt of the said shippe. 
The Sunne hath lost aboutt 30, and in alh the whole 
Fleete to this Day Near uppon Fourescore, the sicknesse 
yett continuing. God in his Mercy aswage itt. 

Mr Vanworthy* Principall att Battacala, with 
Assistantts, etts. 

Mr Vanworthy [Vernworthy] was appointed prin- 

^ John Hill was master of the Planter and son-in-law of Captain 
Molten, one of Courteen's merchants (see ante, p. 20). By his will, 
dated in the Downs just before the fleet sailed for India, John Hill 
appointed his wife " Katren " executrix and his two daughters 
" Kateren and Susan " legatees. On the ist March 1637, when in the 
" road of Battacalla," he desired his father-in-law to take possession 
of " his desk wherein was treasure, and the key was delivered to him 
in presence of Edward Hall [Captain of the Planter] and Christopher 
Parre." On his return to England Captain Molton took out letters 
of administration of John Hill's effects, on the 14th February 1638, 
on behalf of Katherine Hill, a minor, " daughter of deceased " {P.C.C. 
Wills, 19 Lee). 

* See ante, note on p. 21. From the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet 
(State Papers, Dom., Chas.I., cccli. No. 30) we learn that a consultation 


cipall in the New Factory here on shoare^ ; And For 
Assistants, viz., Mr John Fortune* 2d, Mr George Wye», 
■our purser, 3d; Sir [sic, ? Signor] Peter van Dam* a 
Dutch youth, steward ; with others, as Surgeon, Cooke, 

was held on the 3rd March 1637 " for the apointment of a Cheife and assis- 
tants to reside on shore, by which Mr Anthony Vernworthie (from 
"whose habihties malice itselfe cannot detract) was ordeyned principall 
and willinglie embraced the hopefull imployment, protestinge that his 
performance therein to the benifitt of his imployers should be of more 
■esteem e to him (being well accepted of them) then the certainty of 
whatsoever gaine by the after designed voyage ; but he especially 
■expressed his Content after his returne from the Court, haveing well 
informed himselfe of the kings noble disposition and perticipated of 
his present favours." 

Vernworthy only enjoyed his position as Chief for about a month. 
He died on the ist April 1637, and was buried at Bhatkal. His tomb, 
surmounted by a granite slab, still exists. The inscription (as given 
in the Bombay Gazetteer {Kanara), xv. ii. 270) runs as follows : — ^"Here 
lieth the body of Ant : Vereworthy Marcht : Dec : i : April. An : 
Dni Nri Christi Sal. Mundi mdcxxxvii Ant : Vereworthy 1637." 
Vernworthy's death is noted by Mundy in his Notes to this volume. 
Administration of the effects of the deceased factor was granted, on the 
1st August 1639, to his rnother's brother Humphry Goddard, and on 
the 6th December 1641 to his (illegitimate) daughter " Phillippa 
Martyn alias Vernworthie," the former administration being declared 
null and void {P.C.C. Admons.). 

^ For Vernworthy's Commission, see infra, end of this Relation. 

* See ante, note^ p. 22. John Fortune succeeded Vernworthy 
as Chief at Bhatkal and was murdered there a year later, in 1638, by 
Peter Van Dam. Mundy has an accourt of the tragedy in his Notes 
to this volume. Administration of John Fortune's goods was granted 
to his sister Ellen, the wife of Thomas Jones, on the 9th May 1642 
(P.C.C. Admons.). 

^ George Wye died eleven days after Mundy left Bhatkal, on the 
30th March 1637. His tomb is near that of Anthony Vernworthy 
and bears the following inscription : — " Here lyeth the body of Ge[o]rge 
Wye Marchant. Dec. xxx : March Anno Dni Nri Christ Salv : Mundi 
MDCXXXVII 1637. Geo : Wye " {Bombay Gazetteer, he. cit. See also 
Foster, English Factories, 1637 — 1641, p. 6 footnote). 

* Peter Van Dam, who became Second at Bhatkal on the death of 
Vernworthy " haveing not his will for wyne or otherwise " (according 
to Mundj/'s Notes), compassed the death of the surviving factors 
by " binding pillowes to their mouthes and faces " while they slept. 
John Fortune " died therof and the rest in great Danger." Van 
Dam fled to Goa, where he was apprehended and hanged. The Dutch, 
who reported this event in a letter to the Dutch E. I. Co. of the 24th 
September 1638, remarked that Van Dam had studied at the Uni- 
versity of Leyden {Hague Transcripts, Translations, ist series, vol. xi. 
No. 558). Administration of the goods of Peter Van Dam was granted, 
on the 3rd December 1642, to John Belcampe, widower, the husband of 
" Susan Stephens alias Van Dam " {P.C.C. Admons.). For Mundy 's 
comments on the murder and the legacy to which Van Dam did not 
succeed, see his Notes to this volume. 


etts.i attendantts. The 3 first named went uppe to 
the King, who Desired to see those thatt were to remaine 
in his Country, where by him they were lovingly receaved 
and their reasonable Demaunds granted ^ ; And soe 
they returned againe to Battacala, of whome having 
taken our leaves, wee came aboard 3. Butt before Wee 
part hence, I will adde hereto a Few lines concerning 
this place. 

Description of Battacala 

Battacala [Bhatkal] hath a very Narrow shallow 
Inlett thatt runneth uppe aboutt i| mile to the towne, 
not capable of any vessells of any burthen*. Informer 
tyme it seemes this towne hath bin a more flourishing 
place, as appeares by the Multi[tu]de of ruined walles 
of hewen squared stone, Dried Wells, the many Dewraes 
or Pagodes, the latter yett remayning entire, Wherin 
are stones of 6 or 7 yards long and 5 broad, all arti- 
ficially hewen. The Foundation, pavement, walles, 
covering or rooff all of the same stone, allthough not all 
so bigge, butt generally very large buildings of incredible 
continuance, the stone beeing very solidd, off a blewish 
coullour, wherof some wee saw att Goa. The other 
mines and buildings are of the ordinary sort they use 
att Goa, beeing softer and off a reddish coullour [laterite]*, 

^ According to the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet, " an Apothecary, a 
Joyner and a smith " completed the establishment. 

* See " A third letter from the Kinge " above. 

* From the Voyage of WeddeU's Fleet {State Papers, Dam., Chas. I.,. 
CCCLI. No. 30) we learn that Vernworthy, Fortune and Van Dam went 
to Ikkeri on the 6th and returned to Bhatkal on the 15th March, when 
" we instantlie putt ashore what was requisite and we could spare for 
the furtherance of those afaires, and so Comitting them to gods good 
assistance, wee sett saile, the time of the year pressing us hard." 

^ Bhatkal is 3 miles up the river from the sea. There is an awkward 
bar at the mouth with only about 8 ft. of water at high tide. 

^ Bhatkal flourished greatly from the 14th to the 17th century 
as an outlying dependency of the Vijayanagar rulers. It was a trading 
centre for sugar, rice and pepper to Goa and Ormuz. The Portuguese 
had a factory there in 1505, but transferred it to Goa on the capture 
of that place in 1511. During the period of its prosperity numerous- 


The Cheifest Image of their Pagodes. 

In the most innermost and secrett roomes of these 
Pagodes are certaine Images with Kghtts before them, 
into which they hardly suffer straungers to enter, ail- 
though I saw one Forsaken and neglected, the rest 
questionlesse no otherwise. The principall Image and 
in the cheifest place is the Image of a Woman Cutt outt 
in stone, sitting Crosse legged, this being Naked, but 
Doubtless the others are Cloathedi. Such commonly 
allso are these in India as Farre as I could see, and Neither 
here Nor in India was there one Figure in loooo thatt 
was made with a beard. 

High Stone Pillars standing before their Pagodes 2. 

Each off these Pagodes have before their entraunce 
a very high, faire Pillar of the said blue stone. The 
Pillar only may conteyne 8 or 9 yards in length, beesides 
the spedestall [sic] and addittion on the toppe, where is 
a little artificiall arched place, and in it some Image 
placed, as per Figure No. 2^ Among the rest of their 
Pagodes there is one of extraordinary Worckmanshippe, 
Carved in stone above and beneath, round aboutt, both 

temples were erected in Bhatkal, chiefly of black basalt. On the break 
up of the Vijayanagar Empire and the consequent rise of the Keladi 
chiefs of Ikkeri and the Wodeyar chiefs of Karikal, about 1560, there 
seems to have been considerable confusion in Bhatkal for nearly a 
century (the rulers are described as ■" queens " from about 1542 to 
1600), and this may account for the ruined condition of comparatively 
newly built temples in Mundy's time. See Bombay Gazetteer ( Kanara) 
XV. ii. 271 — 275. 

^ See Illustration No. 12. Mundy is really describing an image 
of a man, a Jaina Tlrthankara, or sanctified teacher. They are never 

^ Here is a marginal note : — " Such was that of brasse at Hadowlee 
aforementioned." See ante, p. 76. 

^ See Illustration No. 13. All temples in S. India have pillars 
(stambha) attached, which to a certain extent describe the temples 
themselves. Thus the Jain pillars bear a lamp ; Buddhist, emblems 
or animals on the top ; Vaishnava (Hindu), Hanuman (monkey) or 
Garuda (bird) ; Shaiva (Hindu), a flag. Mundy's illustration is the 
stambha of a Vaishnava temple. 


within and without!, beeing sundry stones, many wherof 
are such as Arretines postures are reported to bee^ 

The houses att Battacala. 

The towne may bee some 2 myles in compasse, 
scattring, stragHng, Soe intermingled with high trees 
thatt overtoppe their low houses thatt when one is a 
little withoutt itt hee shall see nothing att all of itt^ 
and without those trees there would bee bad living For 
heatt. There is only one good house, builtt For the 
King somwhatt after the Guzaratt [Gujarat] Manner. 
The rest little low thatched houses, the Eaves within a 
yard or 4 Foot of the ground, their Floores all beedawbed 
with a Mixture of Cowdung which smelleth not ill*. 

The inhabitants Jentues and Moores. 
They are generally here Jentues or Hindooes of sundry 
sects. Here are allsoe many Moores or Mahometanes who 
have a small Mosche in the towne. 

Writing on Palme leaves much used and little on 
paper : Master of the Roules. 

The Country people write on Palme leaves with 
an Iron bodkin, as before mentioned*. They say the}^ 
will endure 100 yeares. Att my beeing att Eecary I 
was att the Kings Secretaries, where in his house I saw 
many hundreds (I may say thousands) of those written 
palme leaves, beeing very long and Narrow, handsomely 
rouled uppe, those againe tied into bundles, hung upp 

^ Pietro Aretino (1492 — 1556), an Italian author who, in 1523, lost 
favour at the papal court by writing a set of obscene sonnets to ac- 
company a series of immoral drawings by Giulid Romano. Obscene 
carvings are common on Hindu temples in S. India. 

^ Bhatkal lies in a valley encircled by hills. 

^ For a contemporary description of cowdung paste (gobar) used 
for plastering walls and floors, see Delia Valle, ed. Grey, i. 87 — 88 ; 
II. 230 — 231. 

* See ante, p. 78. 


No. 14. Swinging Cottes. 



No. 15. Straung Ragged Land. 

^' ii?^^*^::^-- 

No. J 6. A High Rocke. 


in order about his roome or office, soe thatt hee May 
(not improperly) bee stiled Master of the Roules, 

Swinging Cottes^ 

Here are generally used swinging Cottes, hung about 
2 Foote above ground by Iron chaines or ropes, soe thatt 
with swinguing to and fro breedeth aire thatt reffreses, 
as per the Figure underneth^ AUsoe on Festivall tymes, 
Weomen and Children, 5 or 6 together on a Cotte, Doe 
swing themselves, Keeping a Measure or tyme in their 
singing according to the Motion of the Cotte Forward 
or backeward'. 

The towne lieth in a spacious vally all imployed in 
Rice tillage. 

Civett Cattes and Civett how sold. 

Here are Many Civett Cattes and to bee sold For 2 
or 3 Ryalls of 8" each. The civett sold, 7 or 8 waightts 
therof For one Waightt off gold*. 

^ Cot, anglicised form of khdt, an Indian bedstead, here used for 
a hammock swung for coolness. 

^ See Illustration No. 14. 

^ In the month of Sawan (Sravan), July— August, it is considered 
lucky for young people and children to swing, giving rise to many 
pretty customs all over India. These customs, many of which relate 
to marriage and betrothal, are usually referred to the Jht'dajdtra, swing 
festival, in the new (harvest) moon of August, in honour of Krishna 
and his bride Radha, though the origin is doubtless much older. Mundy, 
however, must have been told that swinging is a favourite pastime 
among girls in Cochin, and possibly he had heard of the Tiruvatira 
Day, an important women's festival occurring in December-January. _ 
in honour of Kama, the God of Love, during which a great part of the 
day is spent in swinging {urinjal attam). See Cochin State Manual, p. 213. 

* The Malabar Civet Cat, Viverra civettina. The product called 
civet was well known to early travellers, and is mentioned by Saris 
and Herbert {Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, iii. 504 ; Some 
Yeares Travels, p. 332). It is a yellowish or brownish unctuous 
substance having a strong musky smell, obtained from sacs or glands 
in the anal pouch of animals of the civet genus. It has a market 
value for perfumery. Mundy 's statement in terms of modern British 
currency is that the animal was worth from los. to 15s., and its produce, 
civet, about los. the ounce. Milburn, Oriental Commerce, ed. 1813, 
I. 104, states that in his time the best civet (from Brazil) was worth 
30S. to 40S. the ounce. 



A Fruit that washes Hke sope. 

In the Court or yard off our house is a tree thatt 
beareth a smalle greene Fruitt by Couples, with which 
poore people wash their Cloathes, For itt will scoure and 
laver like sope^ 

Bastard Eagles and Greene Pidgeons. 

Here are a smalle sort of Eagles which prey much 
uppon Fish 2, A sort of greatt wild pidgeons off a shining 
French greene coullour, only aboutt the Neck Asfh] 
couUour ; A lesser sort of a yellowish or popinjay greene ^ 

A Foule that beareth a ritche Sprigge. 

A Frenchman thatt was entertained here in the 
Countrie into our shippes killed a fresh water foule 
like a shagge in body, butt a longer taile. Hee bore 
thatt pretious sprigge of which I saw many att Agra ; 
much off them boughtt by the English and sent home 
For a Ritche rariety or Comodity. It is very long, 
very Narrow and very blacke, with a white stripe in the 
Middle, and within the white againe a very small line 
of blacke all From end to end. The Foule thatt beareth 
the white long sprigge like horse haires are common 
here, as allso in North India*. 

^ The Soap-nut, Sapindus laurifolius (also rtta, reetah or reetah- 
nut). The bruised capsules of this fruit are used as a soap, especially 
for washing the hair. 

^ Mundy may be alluding to the Fish Eagle, Halicetus leucogaster, 
but it is impossible to identify the bird with certainty. 

^ The " greatt wild pidgeon " is probably the Great Imperial Pigeon 
(Carpophaga cenea) and the " lesser sort " is possibly Crocopus chloro- 
gaster, but it might be one of several green pigeons. Cf. Thevenot, 
Pt. III. p. 38. 

* Mundy's description applies to the Indian Darter or Snake- 
bird {Plotus melanogasier) , and the " Foule that beareth the white 
long sprigge " is one of the Egrets (Herodias). I am indebted for these 
and the above identifications to Mr. W. L. Sclater. 


Babarautt, a greatt Pirate in the Indian Sea. 

Att our beeing here att Battacala came in Babaraut, 
a Rover, with his Frigatts in to the rode (hee is formerly 
Mentioned)\ and in boates hee and his company came 
uppe to towne, where hee entred in petty triumph 
with his Musicke, Drummes, Flagges, ritch quitasoll 
[umbrella] and a lusty Crew of good fellowes, very well 
armed with gunnes, swords, bucklers, bowes, arrowes, 
etts. Our Admirall receaved and wellcomed him on 
shoare, soe broughtt him to our house, the said Babarautt 
coming of purpose to vizitt him. Hee is heare hated 
and Feared. 

Some of the Coines, Waightts and Measures 

used att Battacala. 

Coines ^ 

Pagodes, a peace of gold off the Countrie, worth 15^ 

Fanams^. Fanam, worth 30 tare* or aboutt yd. English. 

^ See ante, p. 72. 

^ Bhatkal being much further to the southward down the coast 
than Goa, some of the terms for the coinage in use vary from those 
given for the latter place, owing to the influence of the Tamil language. 
But the coins themselves are practically the same, as the following 
table will show : — 

4 cas = I tare 

30 tare = i fanam 

15^ fanam = i pagoda 

i860 cash to the pagoda 
Other statements in the text are 

gj fanams = i Ryall of 8 == i dollar 
14 fanams and 24 tares = i St Thomas of Goa 
As {ante, p. 65) 10 tangas = i pattacca (dollar) and as {loc. cit.) 15 to 
i6| tangas = i St Thomas, it is clear that in Mundy's time the fanam 
of Bhatkal was a silver coin equal to the tdngil of Goa. This gives 
a value to the tdra of 2 rets, a value it still retained up to the 19th 
century. See Kelly, Universal Cambist, i. 102. 

It will be noticed that the above tables give 1140 cash to the dollar, 
evidently representing the almost universal scale at that period of 
1000 cash to the dollar. See Indian Antiquary, vol. xlii. p. 109. 
^ See ante, p. 65. 

* Tare, tar, tarr, tdra, tare (Malayalam, tdram), a small silver coin. 
See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tara, Tare. Fryer, ed. Crooke, i. 143, 
149, gives the value 28 and 16 silver tarrs to the fanam on the Malabar 
Coast in 1676. 


A tare is a valluation, worth 4 Casse^ 
A Casse is a small coine of Copper. 
A Ryall of eightt, Worth gh Fanams, rising and 

A St Thomea of Goa, worth 14 Fanams and 24 tare. 


A Maund is here 40 Sere and Nere aboutt 25//. 
English 2. 


Liquid, accompted by Maunds and Sere. 

Hastes^ or Cubitts, From the elbow to the end of the 
Midel Finger stretched out. 

There are Divers other Waights and Measures butt 
I overslipped them. 

End of the 22th Relation. 

^ " Cash" represents the old Sanskrit term kursha for a coin of low 
denomination, through Tamil kusu. An interesting point to note 
here is that " cash " and " fanam " represent the two parts of the 
old Sanskrit term Mrshapana for the copper coin of the lowest 
denomination. See Indian, Antiquary, vol. xxvii. p. 91. 

* It is interesting to note that the maund {man) at Bhatkal has 
increased to 40 ser = 25 lbs., i.e., it represented the N. Indian maund 
as to reckoning but the S. Indian maund as to weight. This is re- 
markable because Mundy was travelling southwards. Roughly 
speaking, the siJr, though it has always varied enormously in different 
localities, has normally represented in N. India 2 lbs. and in S. India 
I lb. Here it represents |- lb. 

' It is interesting to find Mundy using in South India so purely 
a Sanskrit form as " haste," ior hasta, the forearm or cubit. The Hind. 
form is hd(h and the common spelling of early travellers is " haut." 


Extract from Courteen Papers {MS. Rawl. A. 299, 
fol. 212). 

Commission to Anthony Vernworthy. 

Comission and Directions for our Lovinge freinds [sic\ 

Mr Anthony Vernworthy, appointed Cheefe Marchant 

of the factory of Baticala, for the better man- 

naging of all such affaires and occasions of 

moment as may happen in the tyme of 

his Residence there. 

Gyven by us underwritten. 

Our very Lovinge freind Mr Anthony Vernworthy. 

It is not unknowne both to your selfe and to 
all those that reside ashoare with you under your 
goverment [sic], what a large and Ample pattent 
and Comission his Majestic hath been pleased 
to grant unto us, John Weddell and Nathaniell 
Mounteney, by vertue whereof wee are authorized 
to Traffique, search and discover in all these parts 
of the world, and in any convenient place or places 
to settle factories, erect fortifications or the like 
to advancement of his Majesties honour and the 
good of our Nation. Now wee haveinge with due 
advice considered of this port of Baticalo and found 
the same (as your selfe likewise were of opinion) 
very hopefull for a future trade, and resolved to 
make this our first residence, and haveinge to the 
same intent made choice of your selfe (of whose 
abilities and good discretion in matters of so great 
Consequence wee are well assured), doe heerewith 
(by vertue of the power conferred uppon [us] by 
his Majesties Comission aforesaid) ordaine and 
authorize you Mr Anthony Vernworthy to direct, 
governe, order, and dispose all and singular the 
affayres of this Factory and them to mannage in 
our absence, with the same authority and power, 
as if wee ourselves were personally present, re- 
quiringe likewise all his Majesties subjects left on 
shoare for the furtherance of those affayres, that 
they demeane themselves in such respectyve sort 


towards you as befitteth, And in case of refactory 
or tumultuary behaviour by them or any of them 
used, we authorize you to punish and by any meanes 
lawful! to curbe and reclayme such delinquents, and 
if they persist, then to send them home uppon the 
first shipps with recommendation accordinge to their 

Now it beinge very necessary that a house be 
forthwith buylt for accommodating of all your 
occasions, wee doe hereby likewise enorder and 
authorize you to putt the same in practize in such 
manner and forme as you shall thinke most con- 
venient, ratifyinge and approving whatsoever you 
shall doe heerein ; and the same house beeinge 
fynished, further to proceed (at your discretion 
and as you shall finde your selfe inabled) in pro- 
curinge licence to fortyfie for the securitie of our 
Trade, which wee assure our selves you male at 
all tymes obtayne. 

All shipps that shall touch at this port eyther out 
of England or homewards (in our absence) belonging 
to this Imployment are hereby inordered and 
straightly charged to assist and supply you in all 
occasions and to be disposed of as by a generall 
Councell of the said shipp or shipps and shoare shalbe 
determined. Also wee doe heereby give you full 
power to demaund out of any such shipp or shipps 
for the use of our Imployers any quantitie of Monies, 
goods, &c., and your receipt to the pursers shalbe 
to them a sufficient warrant and discharge. And 
in case any Commander of any such shipp shall at 
any tyme oppose this our order and Authoritie 
conferred uppon you, you shall then forthwith protest 
against him or them in the behalfe of our Masters 
as parties prejudiciall to the Common benifitt, 
and the same to be sent home by the first. 

To all such Banians, Bramens, Brokers, Weavers, 
Painters, and the like as (wee beleeve) will daily 
resort hether uppon the news of our settlinge heere, 
wee desire you to afford all kinde respect and indul- 
gence, incouraginge them in all you may, as knowinge 
them to bee the cheefe instruments for deryvinge 
a benifitt from this Trade. 


Wee doe heere leave ashoare with you such goods 
and monyes as by Invoyce heerewith delivered 
appeareth, beinge all that can possible at present 
be spared out of so small a Capitall. The Remainder 
of this (after your house be buylt) wee desire may 
be invested with the most expedition, that here- 
after, if possible, goods ma}^ stay for the shipp 
rather than the shipps for goods, to the great 
hinderance of the voyage, as by the Planter is 
evident, to our no small greefe. 

For Assistants wee have left with you John 
Fortune to be your second, George Wye and Peter 
Vandame, of whose conformitie in all things wee 
have noe doubt. And in Case of Mortality (which 
God forbid) wee doe inorder the succession accor- 
dinge to their place, unlesse you shall finde sufficient 
reason to the Contrary^ And then in such case wee 
referr it to your selfe to appoint a successor. 

In September next wee pray you faile not to 
write to Goa to advize any shipp that may arryve 
out of Europe for their repayre hether. And so 
with our best wishes for your happy successe and 
prosperous proceedings, wee commend you all to 
the guidance of the Almighty, and rest 
Your very Lovinge freinds 

John Weddell 
Nathaniell Mounteney 
A bord the shipp Dragon 

le i6th March 1636 [1637]. 

Extract of a Letter from the Viceroy of India to the 
King (of Spain), dated 5th October 1637 (N.S.). 

{Lisbon Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Book 40, 
fol. 1161.) 

Sire — In spite of the courtesy and hospitality 
with which I treated them, the base conduct of 
the English of the five ships which came to this 
port last year from England has become notorious, 

^ See ante, note on p. 47. The translation given above is by 
Miss Leonora -de Alberti. 


SO much so that not only did they go to Canara 
to buy the pepper which by ancient contracts is 
ours, allying themselves with a pirate by name 
Babia [Baba Rawat] . . . but they also endeavoured 
to make enmity between us and Virabadar Naique 
[Vira Bhadra Nayak] and the neighbouring kings 
b}^ spreading evil report of us among them. Further, 
they established a factory at a place called Batecalam 
[Bhatkal] which is under the jurisdiction of the said 
Virabadar Naique, to negotiate for the pepper, 
paying much more for it than we do, and giving in 
exchange copper and lead. And as these Indian 
kings easily break their word, if anything is to be 
gained thereby, Virebadar Naique went back on 
what he had arranged with regard to the said pepper, 
asking me an excessive price for it . . . with the 
design of giving it to the said English. And in 
point of fact, he did give them a large quantity, 
moved by the prices offered and the presents they 
sent him, amongst which was a piece of artillery. 

Not only in this, but also in other matters, their 
conduct was contrary to the friendship they owed 
us. Therefore, to prevent matters from taking a 
wrong course and being settled to our prejudice 
(for experience had shown me that friendship with 
these people [the English] could not include com- 
mercial relations with them, but merely a cessation 
of hostilities and a preservation of peace until such 
time as Your Majesty shall issue other directions 
more to your service), I sent orders to all the captains 
of fortresses not to permit any commerce with 
the said English, nor any alterations or innovations 
beyond the said peace and cessation of hostilities. 
However, should any of the English vessels put into 
port, compelled by stress of weather or other 
necessities, I ordered that they should be supphed 
with what was available, in accordance with the 
treaty, but that they should not be allowed to 
remain longer than was necessary to execute repairs, 
nor to buy or sell anything whatever, and on no 
account was any vessel, either great or small, to 
be sold to them until such time as we receive definite 
orders from Your Majesty. 


And to remove from the English any distrust 
which this might occasion, I also gave orders to 
the said captains that if an application was made 
for the said ships, they should reply that they had 
received no order from me to sell them to foreigners 
but only to Portuguese of this State ; by which 
means the designs of this people to buy some of our 
high-decked ships, as was promised them in past 
years, are frustrated, which is of no little importance 
to Your Majesty's service ... 






The igth Marche Anno i6^6ly. Wee sett saile from 

The 2ith ditto. Wee anchored thwart of Mangalore, 
a place of the Portugalles^. Att Nightt there came 
uppe with us a smalle Frigatt aperteyning unto Babarautt, 
the Mallabarre Piratt, who broughtt us some sheepe 
and hennes From their Master, saying hee himselffe 
would shortly come to us, untill when they would wait 
uppon us ; butt in the Morning, espying a saile in the 
offtn, they tooke leave off us and Made after her. 

The 2^d [March 1636/7]. Came another of Babarautts 
Frigatts and broughtt us lettres From the Siinne and 
Anne who were Departed From Mondelly' to Cananore. 
For it is to bee understood thatt the loth currant the 
said shippes were dispeeded From Battacala to Mondelly 

^ The full headline to this Relation in the MS. is " Voiage to China 
Outtwards From Battacala in India unto Achein on Sumatra." 

* Mangalore (Mangalur), a port m Mangalore tdluk, S. Kanara. 
The Portuguese occupied it and built a fort there in 1567. See 
Danvers, Portuguese in India, i. 534. 

^ Mount Delly, a prominent headland in Chirakkal tdluk, Malabar 
District. It was called by Portuguese travellers Monte d'Eli, from the 
ancient Malabar State of Eli or Heli belonging to the Kolattiri Rajas. 
Creeks on either side of the hill make it almost an island, Herbert, 
p. 298, calls the place " Mount Elly." 


to see if they could meet with any pepper or other 
Commodities to make uppe the Planters lading, which 
would bee yett wanting ^ 

The 2^th [March 1636/7] 2, In the afternoone Wee 
anchored by Mondilly. 

The 2^th [March 1637]. Wee had pretty store of 
refreshing broughtt aboard, as bullocks, smalle and 
greatt hennes. Fish, Coconutts, etts. 

Manj' Pirattes on the Coast of Mallabarre. 

Hither came to us Babaraut and his Fleete, who is 
said now to goe and settle himselff att Battacala [Bhatkal] 
by reason the King of Callicutt hath Driven him outt 
off his Country, burnt and razed his houses, as allsop 
of all his Followers =", of whome I conceave there are no 
lesse then 6 or 700, a Notable archepirate of which nature 
there are others on this Coast, soe thatt Few vessells 
can escape them except they goe under convoy of the 
Portugalls, etts. 

Dangerous people at Mondelly. 
The people on shore att this place are said to bee 
robbers and inhospitable, soe thatt No body landed. 

Cananore a Portugall Plantation. 

This evening wee wayed and came before Cananore, 
another place where the Portugalles have a Fort and 

^ Here is a marginal note in the MS. : — " The Sunnes and the 
Annes going from Battacala (omitted in its Dew place) For Mondelly." 

From the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet we learn that the two ships 
went to " Mount Dilley there to refresh their sicke men," as well as 
" to make triall what pepper [might] be sodenly procured, apointing 
to that end Edward Knipe and Henry Glascocke with sufficient 
Capitall and Comission." 

~ Beside the entry for the 24th March, Mundy has written 1636 
in the margin and beside the entry for the 25th, 1637, thus marking 
the beginning of the year as reckoned in the 17th century. 

^ Baba Rawat was, however, still living near Calicut in 1638. 
See vol. II. p. 316 n. 


a plantation ^ Here wee found our Vice Admirall [the 
Sun] and Pinnace Anne, who in this tyme had gotten 
a smalle quantity of Pepper ^ butt lost Mr Hudson 
their Preacher* who Died in this interim. 

Some Dutch taken by the Portugalls and the Portugalls 
againe taken by the Mallabar piratts. 

Particuler men mett with sundry China Comodities, 
as greene ginger in excellentt curious porcelane Jarres, 
allso porcelane Cuppes and Dishes, For som of the 
Mallabarre pirates had taken a Portugall vessell which 
came From Mallacca, wherin were certaine Dutchmen 
taken by the Portugalles in the straightts of Mallacca. 
These were all taken againe by the Mallabares as affore- 
said, who sold the goods ashoare hereaboutts ; wee 
saw some of itt allsoe att Mondillee. 

Cananore the name of a kingdome as allsoe of 
the Cheif Citty therof. 
This Cananore is a kingdome as allsoe the name of 
the Cheif towne therof, [the people] beeing Mallabares; 
the king att present nott here att home, this beeing his 
residence*. It hath an inlett and a harbour within, 
capable of smalle vessel les. At the entraunce the 
Portugalles have their Fort and plantation afore- 
mentioned, allthough nott very bigge, lying to Seaward 
in view of our shippes. 

1 Cannanore (Kannanur), Headquarters of the Chirakkal taluk 
of Malabar District. The fort was built by Dom Francisco de Almeida 
in 1505, with the permission of the Kolattiri Raja. Linschoten (ed. 
Burnell, i. 67) calls it " the best fortress that the Portugalls have in 
all Malabar." See also Danvers, Portuguese in India, i. 118, 120. 
' ■),■ ^ The Voyage of Weddell's Fleet [State Papers, Dom.,Chas.I., cccli. No, 
30) says that the kindness " of the Malabars to our people was extra- 
ordinary " and that Courteen's merchants " were furnished with a 
quantity of pepper." 

' I have failed to trace any details about the " Preacher " of the 

* Cannanore was at this period the capital of the Kolattiri Rajas. 


These 3 or 4 Daies, as wee came along, the land 
appeared to us ver}^ Mountaynous, and this Nightt 
wee wayed. 

Cochin a kingdome allsoe and the name of a gieatt 
towne of Portugalls there ^ 

The 2yt]i March [1637] ■ Wee came to Cochin, anchored 
there, saluted the towne with our Ordnance, butt were 
nott answeared From thence, Soe some of our principalles 
went ashore to crave licence to bu}^ reffreshing For our 
Mony, which was graunted^. 

Cochin commended. 

It is a very large towne which with the Monasteries 
maketh a goodly prospectt, lying in sightt of the roade 
as Cananore. The buildings are for the most part very 
faire and uniforme, the streetes many, long, large and 
straightt, as though all had bin built at one tyme, such 
a conformity there is*. Many Churches and Monasteries 
but not soe faire as those att Goa, neither are there soe 
many faire great buildings ; provisiones Cheaper* ; 
few Portugalls of quallity, most Mestizoes ^ 

^ Cochin, the chief port of Malabar, now the Headquarters of the 
taluk of British Cochin in Malabar District, was first visited by the 
Portuguese in 1500. In 1503, Cochin fort, the first European fort 
built in India, was erected by Albuquerque. Cochin remained the 
chief of the Portuguese settlements in India until the capture of Goa 
in 1511. 

^ From the Voyage of Weddell's Fleet we learn that Thomas Robinson 
(followed on the 28th by one of the Mountneys) was sent to " the 
Captaine, who gave him freindlie welcome and told him the English 
might make accompte of that place as of their owne port." Robinson 
stayed ashore for the night and was entertained by the " Cheife 
marchante of the Towne." 

* During the ascendancy of the Portuguese, Cochin became a large 
and flourishing city containing, besides the fort, many handsome 
churches, monasteries, factories and houses. See Baldaeus, ed. 1672, 
pp. 114 — 118. 

* Pyrard de Laval (ed. Gray, i. 433) says that at Cochin " Living 
is cheap, except that bread is dearer than at Goa." 

'" Port, mestico, half-caste. 


Here was bought! a parcell of Cinamon to helpe 
make uppe the Planters lading att 35 Royal of eightt 
per quintall, to pay part in Royal and part in lead att 9 
Royall per Quintall^ ; and b}/ virtue of a lettre From 
Don Phillippe Mascarenhas before mentioned'', there 
were sentt aboard some bullockes and hogges gratis. 

Cochin Chists etts. timber worcke. 

Hereaboutts, especially att this place are the best 
timber worckes that are in all these parts of India. For 
there are some very pretty handsome boats Named 
Balaones of one entire peece^ allsoe large Cisternes to 
bath in off only one peece allsoe, butt above all store 
of handsome large Chists, and others with Drawers, 
Many of i| yeard each square and each square of one 

The last 0} Marche [1637]. ^'^se wayed From Cochin 
and proceeded on our voyage. From hence untill you 
Neare Cape Comorin the land lies ver}^ low. 

^ Mundy's figures do not tally with those given in the Voyage of 
Weddell's Fleet, where it is said that Robinson agreed to pay " loo 
kintalls of lead at 7 Rs. 8t. [reals of eight] per kintall " for the 
" synnamon " and " the rest in money, the Synnamon rated at 25 Rs. 
[reals] per kintall." 

2 See ante, p. 71. 

' Balaon, baloon, balloon, probably from Mahr. balyanv, a large 
canoe or dug-out. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Baloon. Compare 
Mandelslo, Travels into the Indies, p. 88, " Cochim . . . having . . . 
on the Land-side a Forrest of black Trees [Dalbergia latifolia, black- 
wood], whereof the Inhabitants of the Country make their Boats 
called Almadies [Ar. alma'diya, a raft, canoe] . These Trees they make 
hollow, and so the Boat is all of one piece, yet with these they make 
a shift to go along the Coast as far as Goa." 

* In 1673, John Vickers writing from Fort St. George to his friend 
Richard Edwards in Bengal {O.C. 3748) mentions a bale of goods 
" which is in a Cocheen Chest, as they say," and Hamilton {A New 
Account of the East Indies, i. 331) remarks of Cochin, " Their Woods 
afford good Teak for building, and Angelique [Angely-wood, Tam. 
anjili-maram ; Artocarpus hirsuta] and Pawbeet [?] for making large 
Chests and Cabinets, which are carried all over the West Coast of 

No. 1 

Boute from Bhatkal to Ikkeri 

Mundy's Route in India, 1636-1637. 


Cape Comorin^ Straung ragged land aboutt 
that Cape. 

The 4th of Aprill [1637]. Wee came to Cape Comorin. 
(This cape in East India and cape Blanco in West India 
on the coast of Peru are Directly opposite or Antipodes) ^. 
Very high land and as ragged as Abboghurre in India ^. 
Among the rest there is one very high rocke or Peak 
resembling Paules steeple, butt I thinck 4 tymes as high*. 
I thus Deciphered it with some part of the land adioyning, 
thatt men may see whatt ragged land there is in some 
parts off the Worlds The rocke mentioned is sett 
Downe somwhatt More or less as it appeared, butt for 
the rest it is only to shew that such manner of ragged 
land there was, as I have elce where allso seene. 

The Planter parted From us bound For England. 

The 6th currant [April 1637]. The Planter took her 
leave of us and Followed her voyage For England. Her 
lading was Most part pepper, some Cinamon, Frankincense 
and gumlacke \ldkh, lac], Captaine Molten tooke his 
passage on her by reason off some Differences, I know 
nott Whatt^ 

^ Comorin, through Port., a corruption of Kumari, Tarn, form of 
Skr. Kumari, " the Virgin," i.e., the Goddess Durga, to whom there is 
a temple at the extreme point of the cape. 

^ The passage in brackets is given as a marginal note in the original. 
Mundy's statement is not quite correct. Cape Comorin lies in 8° 
north latitude and 77° east longitude, while Cape Blanco is situated 
in 4° south latitude and 81° east longitude. 

* See vol. II. pp. 257 — 258 for Mundy's description of Abiigarh 
(Mount Abu). 

* Mundy's remarks seem to apply to a peak of the Cardamum 
Mountains (a continuation of the Western Ghats), a large conical 
hill, 1403 ft. high, situated 4 miles inland from Cape Comorin and 
often mistaken for the cape itself. He is alluding to the steeple of 
Old St Paul's. See ante, Relation xx. p. 16. 

^ See Illustration No. 15. 

® The " differences " between Captain Molton and his colleagues 
began as far back as September 1636 (see ante, p. 36). From the 
Continuation of the China Voyage, preserved at the India Office (Marine 

M. iii 8 


The I[l]and of Zeilaon [Ceylon] Comended. 

The yth of April [1637]. Wee passed faire by the faire 
Hand of Zeilaon where groweth the best Cinamon in 
the world, and affirmed none good elce where. Lin- 
schoten commends it For the Fruittfullest, the most 
pleasant and most Delicious Hand thatt is in all these 
parts of the worlds This Morning wee saw a very high 
hill Farre within the land, resembling somwhatt the 
Crowne of our now new fashion hatts. Whither this 
bee thatt called Adams peake I know nott^. It is 
somwhatt after this Manner, as allsoe the land about 
it^ This and the former I have figured as 2 strange 
and contrarie [different] parcells of land*. 

Aboutt the Cape there is a passage beetweene the 
Hand and the Mayne, butt towards the Eastward it is 
shallow, greatt shippes Not Daring adventure thatt 

Records, vol. LXiii.), which takes up the official narrative of the 
Courteen venture on the 6th April 1637, when the Voyage of Weddell's 
Fleet breaks off, we learn that " For the more tranquillitie and peace 
tDf the Voyadge, which could not otherwise be procured, Captain 
Robert Moulton insistinge upon his forementioned protest, was 
lycenced to goe for England, intrustinge out to divers particular 
persons by indirect meanes (as hath since appeared) noe small sommes 
of money to the advancement of private trade." The " protest " 
does not appear in either of the documents noted above, nor is it 
among the papers connected with the Courteen expedition of 1636 — 
1638 [MS. Rawl. A. 299) at the Bodleian Library. Among these 
documents, however, is a " general lettere " (see Appendix D), dated 
19th December 1637, which alludes to the dispatch of a letter of the 
5th April " per the shipp Planter," advising " of all such passadges 
worthie " the knowledge of the promoters of Courteen's Association. 

^ " The Hand of Seylon is said to be one of the best Hands that 
in our time hath beene discovered, and the fruitfullest under the 
heavens " (Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 77). 

^ Adam's Peak (Shivanadippatham) is 7353 ft. above the sea. 
It is the most prominent, though not the highest peak, in Ceylon. 

' See Illustration No. 16. 

* From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXIII.) we learn that on the 7th April " It was resolved by Con- 
sultation to goe for Achin, aswell for that we understood off the old 
Kinges death, as for other reasons." For the " other reasons " which 
induced the fleet to put in at Achin see the letter of 19th December 
1637 (Courteen Papers, MS. Rawl. A. 299) in Appendix D. 


way : the Hand lying very neare the Mayne, vessells 
of 100 tons may passed 

Sightt of the Hand of Sumatra. 

The igth April [1637]. Wee had sightt of land 
[Achin Head] 9 or 10 leagues off. Thatt night wee lay 
short off itt. The next morn wee were Driven to the 
Northward of the passage where wee intended to have 
gon in, lying among small Hands ^ 

Anchored in Achein Rode. 

The 22th [April 1637]. Wee gott into Achein, beeing 
hindred untill Now by currantts and Contrary windes, 
getting little these 2 or 3 dales. 

Abstractte of partt of Marche and part of Aprill 
broughtt in to one Anno 1636/ 1637. 

19. Wee sett saile From Battacala. 
21. Anchored thwart of Mangalore. 

23. A violentt gust continuing not above | hower. 

24. Anchored att Mondilly and had some refreshing. 

25. Anchored att Cananore. 
27. Wee arrived att Cochin. 
31. Wee sett saile From thence. 

By reason wee coasted it alongst the shore, there 
was no reckoning kept untill wee Neared the Cape. 
The lattitude, longitude and Distance of places may 
quickly bee knowne by looking on any Mappe of these 

^ The Gulf of Manaar is shallow and navigable only for small 
boats. The Pambam passage between Adam's Bridge and Rames- 
waram, however, gives passage to vessels drawing up to lo ft. of 

* Achin road is sheltered by small islands. See Bowrey, ed. 
Temple, pp. 286 — 287 ; Dampier 11. 122. 



parts. From the 19th March to the First Aprill wee 
may have run Miles 270. 

4. Wee came uppe with Cape Comorin : Longitude 
from hence. 

6. The Planter parted From us. 

7. Faire by the Hand of Zeilaon. 

11. Raine and thunder. 

12. Raine and hghttning. 

15. Raine and variable Wyndes. 

16. Variable Wyndes. 

17. Frauncis Bickam Died\ 

19. Sightt of land 9 or 10 leagues off. 
22. Wee anchored in Achein Roade^. 

Runne in 32 Dales of these 2 Monthes the some of 
Miles 1277 

Of (and att) Achein. 

This place lyeth on the North end of the greatt Hand 
of Sumatra, by the Ancientts named Triprobana^ which 
by some is thoughtt to bee thatt Ophir From whence 
King Solomon [? had] his gold, apes and peacockes*. 

^ Probably one of the crew of the Sun. 

* The Continuation of the China Voyage gives the 2ist April as the 
date when the fleet " anchored in the roade." 

* In the middle ages and for long afterwards it was generally- 
believed that Sumatra was the Greek Taprobane, though the ancient 
Greeks themselves meant Ceylon by that name. Linschoten (ed. 
Bumell, I. 107 — 108) speaks of " the famous Ilande of Taprobana, 
nowe called Sumatra," and Mendoza (ed. Staunton, 11. 319) of " Sumatra 
called by the ancient cosmogrofers Trapouana, which is (as some say) 
the Hand of Ophir." See Yule, Marco Polo, 2nd ed. 11. 277. 

* The Malay Peninsula and Islands were generally identified in 
a vague manner with Solomon's Ophir in Mundy's time (see Marsden, 
History of Sumatra, p. 3), and mountains both in Sumatra and in 
Johor (on the Peninsula by Singapore) were stated to be the spot 
whence Solomon obtained his riches. Ophir is now believed to have 
been situated in some part of Arabia, but the exact locality is 


The Kingi sends his Choppe and to whatt 

Att our Anchoring came boates aboard From this 
King, and by them sentt his Choppe or SealleS a token 
of Favour, Saffeconduct and Hcence to goe and come. 
Desiring our Freindshippe and trafficke, earnestly inviting 
the Commaunders on shore, which accordingly they Did 
on the 23d currant, and were lovingly receaved by the 
King, and severally by him invested with the shash^ 
a girdle and a lunghee* (as is the Custom of these coun- 
tries), promising to remitt the tax imposed by his 
Father in law [Iskandar Muda], viz., [blank] Royal of 
eightt For anchorage of each bottom ^ and to allow them 
any reasonable Courtesy, appointing Forthwith a house 
For them to reside in the tyme of their stay here'; 
soe were Dismissed and came aboard. The Next Day 
our boates and people went Freely ashoare on all 

1 Iskandar Thani (Sani, II.) alias Alau'ddin, Mahayat Shah, who 
succeeded the great ruler Mahkota 'Alam, better known as Iskandar 
Miida, in December 1636. Iskandar Thani reigned till 1641 and 
received the posthumous title of Marhum Daru's-Salam. He was 
followed in turn by his widow Sri 'Alam (daughter of Iskandar Miida) 
under the title of Paduka Sri, Sultan Taju'l-'alam Safiatu'ddin 

'^ Hind. chMp, strictly speaking, seal-impression, stamp, but used 
n Malay for a passport or license. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Chop. 
For a detailed description of the " chop " at Achin and the ceremonies 
attending the granting of it, c. 1675, see Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 
300 — 302. See also Hamilton, East Indies, 11. 103 ; Beaulieu (in 
Voyages de Thevenot), pp. 45 — 46. 

* Ar. shush, muslin, turban-cloth. 

* Malay lunggt. In S. India a coloured cloth to wrap round the 

^ In Weddell's own account of the voyage of Courteen's fleet [O.C. 
1662), he says " they were wont to pay " for " Ancoradge " in " the 
old Kinges tyme 100 /:. a shipp, besides greate Customes," but that 
now " when wee Carried anie goods to our howse, they tooke our owne 
words for the Custome, the Kinge beinge a younge man and stood 
much affected towards us." 

* In Captain Weddell's own account [O.C. 1662), he says that the 
Iting " gave us a lardge plott of ground to build on." 


Extracts from the Continuation of the China Voyage 
[Marine Records, vol. LXiii.), 

Proceedings at Achin. 

22th April 1637. Captain John Weddell, Mr 
Nathaniell Mountney and Thomas Robinson went 
ashoare, and had all the kind Entertaynement which 
might be Expected. The kinge sente 5 or 6 
Elephants to bringe them to Courte, where haveinge 
dyned and beinge invested after the Malayan manner, 
they had a howse proffered att the Kinges Cost, and 
were Earnestly solicited to leave a residence there, 
which upon good Consideration was Easily yeelded 

2'^th Aprill 1637. The next day Thomas Robinson 
was sent to the Kinge to give him to understand 
that beinge now bound for China, and haveinge 
ailready touched att divers ports and putt [off] the 
greater parte of our Capitall, and beinge intended to 
putt in there only in quest of a Lost Pinnace, wee 
were not att present provided to Furnish this Factory 
with any considerable Commodities till the next 
supply, but if he pleased to take Iron and certayne 
Ordinance (which for the shipps were unserviceable), 
wee would leave that on land to be paid in pepper 
to our merchants, to be ready against the first shipps 
returne from Chyna, by which tyme or soone after, 
wee doubted not to sett that Factory on Foote with 
ample supplies. This he gladly accepted off, and 
(haveinge agreed upon a price) promised to performe 

Att our Comeinge hether wee found noe Christians 
in the whole Towne, but there were 3 Dutchmen to 
whome the Kinge had lately given the howse formerly 
belonginge to the Honble. East India Company, our 
selves beinge appointed their opposite Neighbours in 
the Danes (sometimes) residence. 

Their Capitall is small as likewise their witt 
and manners (beinge fellowes of former slender im- 
ployment) and sent hither rather to oppose any off 
our Nation that should arrive, in out faceinge, out 
vyinge and Lyinge them, then for any reall intent or 


desire of trade, though they promised the Kinge to 
be ready att all tymes to assist him with 12 shipps 
for the Surprize of Mallacca, which he haveinge since 
Experienced to be nothinge but braggs and lies, hath 
refused to Confide upon, and concluded a peace with 
the Portugalls. 

The old King Dead and this now his Sonne in law. 

It is to bee understood thatt the old King or tirantt 
Died some 3 monthes since ^ establishing this in his 
roome, now of the age of 25 yeares, who Married his 
Daughter, Disinheriting his owne Sonne, Charging this 
to make him away after his Death if hee loved his owne 
saffety, which accordingly hee performed, making many 
of the bloud Royall to bear him company ^ 

^ News of the death of the King of Achin had reached Courteen's 
factors while they were o£E Cochin in March 1637. The Voyage of 
Weddell's Fleet (State Papers, Dom., Chas. I., cccli. No. 30) records that 
" At Cochine we had certaine advertisement of the king of Achine hia 
death, procured by his sonne, and of his sonns murther, procured by 
the greate men there, so that the whole kingdome is in trouble and 
rebellion. What the isshue may be, time may produce. As we 
passe by the road we shall better informe our selves." 

^ These statements regarding the death of the King of Achin in 
1636 are valuable because they support the clearing up of a long 
disputed historical point. Marsden {History of Sumatra, pp. 446 — ■ 
447) says that European and Malayan authorities were considerably 
at variance in his time regarding the date of the death of Iskandar 
Muda. The Malayan Annals of Sumatra, as stated by Marsden, 
place his death in December 1636 and give as his successor Sultan 
Alau'ddln Mahayat Shah (Iskandar Thani) who died in February 

But Valentyn, writing of 1641 {Ood en Nieuw Oast Indien, vol. v.^ 
Sumatra, p. 8), describes the funeral of a King of Achin, who from 
the context could have been no other than Iskandar Miida. This 
obliges him to skip the reign of Iskandar Thani in his historical account 
and to say that Iskandar Muda was succeeded by a woman, his 
daughter Paduka Sri. She had, however, in reality, married Iskandar 
Thani and succeeded her husband, on his death in 1641, and not her 
father. In fact, the funeral which Valentyn describes was that of 
Iksandar Thani. 

Wilkinson [Papers on Malay Subjects, History, p. 50) follows 
Valentyn, and when editing Bowrey's MS. in 1903 (Bowrey, ed. 
Temple, p. 298, n. 2) I also followed him. But the contemporary 
statements of Weddell and Mundy given above show that the Malayan 
Annals are correct and that Iskandar Muda died at the end of the year 
1636. Also, other Dutch authorities have not followed Valentyn, 
for in a footnote to p. 20 of Corpus Diplomaticum, vol. lvii., and again 


Extract from the Co?itinuation of the China Voyage 
[Marine Records, vol. lxiii). 

Further details concerning the late King of Achin. 

Wee found him [the king] verry gracious and of 
a quite Contrary Disposition to his tyrannical prede- 
cessor, whose daughter he haveinge married, himselfe 
beinge sonne to the Kinge of Pahang, A place 
borderinge upon Mallacca, and by him much affected. 
The old tyrant perseivinge the badd inclination of hi^ 
owne only sonne, then in Courte and waitinge his 
fathers death, caused this his successor and sonne in 
lawe to goe privily and well appointed in the nighte 
to his owne sonnes howse and to surprise and slay 
him suddenly, which he said was the only meanes 
of safety for himselfe. And this beinge done, the old 
man instantly declared him his heire and successor 
and soe Expired i. 

on p. 345 of that volume, the dates of Iskandar Miida are given as 
1607 — -1636, and on the latter page the relationship between him and 
his successor and the date of the successor's death are correctly stated. 
The confusion between the great Iskandar Muda (Mahkota 'Alam), 
his son-in-law Iskandar Thani and his daughter Paduka Sri in the 
minds of the early Dutch and English travellers no doubt arose thus. 
Paduka Sri is a common Malay royal title applied to both sexes, and 
part of the title of the daughter of Iskandar Muda as Queen was also 
Iskandar Miida. She is further an interesting personage as the first 
of the well-known long line of the Queens of Achin. 

^ It will be seen that this account of the death of Iskandar Muda 
and his son differs from the version which reached Courteen's factors 
at Cochin (note 1, p. 119), and also from Mundy's own story in the 
text. The news that reached the Dutch at Batavia, however, agreed 
in the main with the report that came to Cochin. The Dagh Register 
of 12th March 1637 N.S. (p. 86) records that a junk " importing " 
from the west coast of Sumatra brought a story that about a fort- 
night before his death the late King of " Atjeh " had caused his only 
son and heir to be strangled because he feared that after his decease 
he would plunge the kingdom into bloodshed, and further, that a 
Prince of Pahang had succeeded to the throne of Achin. This news 
was confirmed on the 25th March {ibid. p. 108). See Marsden, Sumatra, 
p. 446, and Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 297 — 298 for additional and vary- 
ing details of these events. 

The historical statements gathered together in the text and these 
notes are important, as there appears to be a gap in the Dutch records 
about this period. Valentyn skips from 1627 to 1641, and the Dagh 
Register gives no details of Achin beyond those furnished above, and 
has a gap from 1637 to 1640. 


Buckree Eede 

The 26th of Aprill [1637]. The principalis off the 
Fleete were invited to the Solemnization of Buckree 
Eede or of Abrahams Sacrificing his Sonne, butt whether 
Isacke or Ismaell I Did not aske^ Some passages 
therof I will here sett Downe. 

First, all the greatt greene att the going in of the 
Kings house 2 was Stucke with sundry greatt Flagges, 
and many of these country standards From the entraunce 
of the King['s] house to the greatt Messitt [maspd, 
mosque] at the other end of the greene on each side of 
the way. Then came a squadron of Elephantts with 
certaine things like little low turretts on their backes, 
and in each of them a souldier in redde with a launce 
in his hand standing upprightt, a shash [turban] on his 
head part gold, which seemed to bee Made uppe after 
the Indian manner. The first rancke of Elephantts 
(they going by 4 in a rancke) had each of them 2 greatt 
swords, or rather long Iron Sithes Fastned to their 
tuskes. This whole squadron every little space of tyme, 
uppon a watchword, would rush Forward, the Souldiers 
on their backes brandishing and acting with their launces 
with loud outcries, stamping on certaine lo[o]sened 
boards putt there of purpose. Made a straunge Noise. 
This I conceave they Doe when they Charge their enemies 
to break their order. 

Next after these came another Number of Elephantts 
with little turretts or Cradles on their backes allsoe, 
somwhatt high railed, wheron were placed smalle gunnes. 

1 Mundy had already seen and described (in 1632) a procession to 
celebrate 'Idu'1-Azha, feast of sacrifices, commonly known in India 
as Bakar'id, and he then made the same remark regarding the person 
commemorated. See vol. 11. pp. 197 — 200. 

* John Davis, who was at Achin in 1599, describes the King's 
palace at Achin with " three Guards " and " a great Greene between 
each Guard " [Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 11. 319). 


arcabuz a Crock ^ or such like, with a man to manage 
them. Affter these other elephantts with more turretts 
with 2 men in each of them, having bowes, arrowes, 
Dartts and bucklers ; then other Elephantts with long^ 
Flagges as most of the rest had ; others covered From 
their head to their Feete, the Cloath borne outt with 
bamboes, resembling great tortoises, nothing appearing" 
butt their very feete, eares, eyes and truncke. 

Affter these came a Multitude with gunnes, and then, 
as many with very long pikes, each [with] a little Flagge 
or one of those Cowtailes^ Fastned to the head therof. 
Amongst all were led many good horses with ritch 
saddles and Furniture ; then a guard of Eunuches on 
horsebacke withoutt saddles, each a long Sword on his 
shoulder with a guilt or gold scabbard. Before the 
King were carried Divers quittasoles [umbrellas]', said 
to bee of beaten gould, and a greatt Number of Flagges. 

Then commeth the King on a greatt and stately 
Elephantt, ritchly adorned and covered all over downe tO' 
the Feete as beforementioned, Hee was mounted alofft 
on a ritch seatt which was covered overhead with a 
very ritche high Double Pavilion or arche. Before and 
neare him were borne sundry ensignes like hearts (of 
gold) reversed, on long staves and one with looking 
glasses in the Middle on both sides*, butt whither (as 
some say) hee causeth them to bee carried before him 

^ Harquebus k croc. A harquebus, or arquebus, supported on 
a rest by a hook of iron fastened to the barrel. 

* See vol. II. pp. 158, 176, 217, for Mundy's previous references 
to the chauhrJ or fly-whisk. 

^ Beaulieu (Voyages de Thevenot), p. 105, says that quitasols were 
carried before and beside the King of Achin and that no one else 
was allowed to use them. Certain of the royal elephants, however, 
especially distinguished for courage or sagacity, were permitted to 
bear quitasols as a mark of honour. 

* Mundy is describing the 'alam or standards used properly at the 
Muharram festival in N. India, but in S. India and the Malay Peninsula 
at other festivals (such as the Bakar'id) also. For an elaborate 
account of the 'alam and their use, see Herklots, Qanoon-e-I slant, pp. 
176 ff. 


thatt hee mightt see in them whatt is Done beehind 
him, I know not. 

Att his Issuing Forth the Musick played, some of 
them by turnes and others alltogether, as Hautbois, 
straightt trumpetts, and others in forme of great hunting 
homes, Drummes (the 3 latter of Silver) ; another 
Copper Instrument called a gung, wheron they strike 
with a little woodden Clubbe, and allthough it bee butt 
a small Instrumentt, not much More then i Foote over 
and I Foot Deepe, yett it maketh a Deepe hollow humming 
sound Resembling thatt of a great bell ^ : all the aff oresaid 
musick Discordantt, Clamorous and full of Noise. 

A straunge allthough Confuzed sightt. 

The Marche was allsoe very confuzed and on heapes, 
there beeing scar[c]e roome and tyme For order. How- 
ever, it was all rare and straunge to behold, viz., the 
Multitude of greatt Elephantts accoutred and armed 
after severall Manners, Weapons and Ornamentts, costly 
Furniture, etts., there beeing Nere as Many More 
Elephantts allsoe fitted for this shew (thatt could nott 
Marche with the rest For lacke of roome) which stood 
in sundry places by while the others passed. 

Affter the King Followed anothe[r] guard with bowes, 
arrowes and bucklers off a Fathom long, allthough not 
i| Foote broad. 

The Peoples Manner of obeisance. 

As the King passed, the people made their obeysaunce 
by lifting their Joyned hands over their heads. I have 
allsoe expressed the said solemnity by Figure here 
inserted explained by letters, viz. 

^ The Malay (Javanese) gong, a metal disk. There is no instance 
of this spelling of gong in the O.E.D. Compare Bowrey's description 
of a gong used to strike the hour (Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 196). 


The Figure here inserted ^ explayned by letters, viz. 

A. The great Mesitt or churche att one end off the greene. 

B. Elephantts with sithes or swords Fastned to their tuskes. 

C. Elephantts with Arcabuz a Crocke in little turretts. 

D. Elephantts wheron in little turretts were men with 

bowes, arrowes, Darts and bucklers. 

E. Elephantts with 3 or 4 Men of quallity riding on them, 

F. Elephantts with Flagges. 

G. Elephantts covered all over Downe to their Feette. 
H. Gunners. 

L Pikemen. 

K. Horses of state ritchely Furnished, ledd by the Raines. 

L. Eunuchs on horseback withoutt saddles. 

"M. Sundry sorts off harsh Musicke. 

N. Severall sorts off ensignes carried before the King. 

O. The King on a stately Elephantt covered Downe to 

the Feete allsoe. 
P. Orancaies^ or lords on Foote. 
•0. A guard comming after the King with bowes, arrowes 

and long Narrow bucklers. 
R. The going in to the Kings house, From whence all 

came Forth. 
S. The Chowtree' in the Middle where the King ahghted 

and Chaunged his Elephant 
T. The 2d Elephantt the King rode on. 
V. Trees off thatt Forme, wherof Many aboutt Achein*. 

The King chaungeth his Elephantt. 

When the King came to the First little building 
[chabutrd] on the greene, hee alighted From thatt 

1 See Illustration No. 17. 

^ Mai. Orang-kaya, lit. a rich man, a Malay official of distinction. 

' ChautrT, chabvirii, a raised place, platform, or open room. For 
Mundy's previous allusions to these buildings, see vol. 11. pp. 26, 44 — 45. 

* Mundy's " trees " are identified by Sir David Prain as Terminalia 


•9 jfc'* ' 

'' ^^K^^ 

, %t^ 



Elephant, and passing through the roome, Mounted on 
another thatt there stood ready For him, having the 
PavilHon over his head of Tambacca, a mixt Mettall 
of gold and Copper much esteemed in these parts i. 
The King had on his head (as farr as I could perceave) 
a Cappe of gold with sprigges of Jewells, And in his 
hands a Ritch (guilt or gold) bow ; on his Feete no 
shooes. It beeing the Custome toe goe barefooted From 
the King Downeward. One rode before him to guide 
the Elephant and another beehind him, butt hee sate 
Much higher then they. 

The Kings sacrifice : 500 yong buffaloes. 

And soe hee proceeded to the Messitt, where hee 
alighted and entred, when presently [immediately] 
were sent in (by report) 500 yong buffaloes to bee sacrificed, 
wherof the king killed the first and officers appointed 
killed the rest, which was afterwards carried outt and 
Distributed among the people ; this latter passage by 

This, in conclusion, was the Manner of the King of 
Acheins riding in state to his Mosche or Messitt to celebrate 
his buckree Eede or feast of goates^. For they hold (as 
I was told) thatt a goate appeared outt of the bush 
and not a Ramme. These being Mahometaines Doe in 
commemoration of Abrahams his offring his sonne keepe 
certaine festival] Dales every yeare. 

^ Port, tambaca, from Malay tumbaga, an alloy of copper and 

zinc. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tomback. Sir James Lancaster 

{Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 11. 409) speaks of a " Mettall 

. . called Tambaycke, which groweth of Gold and Brasse together." 

^ Mundy is going back to his old information procured in India 
(vol. II. pp. 197 — 200) where the Muhammadan term Bakar'Id is made 
to refer, from the influence of Hindu prejudice against killing cows, 
to the sacrifice of goats (Hind, bakri) in place of cattle (Ar. bakara). 
Bakar'id properly means the feast of the sacrifice of cattle, not goats. 
In Achin the sacrifice of the Muhammadan King was clearly of cattle 
as is shown in the preceding paragraph of the account. 


In the Description afforegoing somethings may bee 
lefft outt and others Misplaced. However, somwhatt 
More or lesse, itt is as I saw it. 

Fighting of Elephantts Described. 

The 2jth of Aprill 1637. The Commaunders which 
had bin yesterday to see the kings pompous riding to 
the Messitt came now againe to see the Fighting of 
Ephelantts [sic] to bee perfformed this Day. And ail- 
though in the Former part of this booke I breiffly De- 
scribed how they Foughtt att Agra in Indian yett there 
beeing soe greatt Difference beetweene the one and the 
other, I will relate somwhatt of this as the More Noteable. 

Beeffore wee came the sport was beegun, the King 
beeing all ready satte on a Chowtree thatt stood on the 
great greene aforementioned. Rightt over against him 
stood, a good Distance offe, Nere 150 greatt Elephantts 
in a rancke, one by one, their heads inwards, which 
stand there to make the place while their fellowes fight. 

Furious Elephantts and the reason : how they were 


Wee were no sooner come, butt on the sodaine all 
the said guard of Elephants went away, and people 
began to avoid [retire], running to and fro, wee making 
accompt all had bin Don. Butt the reason was, there 
were a Couple off extraordinary greatt and Furious 
Elephantts comming into the Feild with Flagges uprightt 
on their backes and a Couple of Keepers on each. It is 
said thatt the Males Doe once or twice a yeare grow 
very furious and unruly, beeing then as they [are] in 
rutt or Desire of the Female, att which tyme there runneth 
an oyle or sweate From beehind his eares where (as an 
Elephantt Keeper told mee) lye his testicles ; others 

^ See vol. II. 127 — 128. 


say beehind, butt none to bee perceaved^ These 2 
madde Elephantts had 4 shee Elephantts Made Fast 
to them (each of them to each hinder legg one) with 
Hawsers, Distantt aboutt 15 or 20 Fathom, to keepe 
and restraine them From sodaine running on the people. 
For they are then very Mischeivous and endaunger 
Man and beast thatt should thwart them, which is the 
Cause thatt the guard of Elephantts gave way and 
Departed as aforesaid. 

Their Manner in Fighting. 
These 2, as soone as they had espied one another, 
as knowing whatt they came For, Made all the hast 
they could to encounter, in a Manner Dragging their 
Female Clogges after them, when beeing Nearer, levelling 
their long, strong and sharpe pointed teeth point blancke 
one against the other (and rushing together) with them 
Most violently and furiously strucke and pushed att 
■each other with all their Mightt and spightt. And 
thus for a space they lye striving, strugling, Fencying, 
Foyning, thrusting, wresting and Clashing their teeth 
one against the other, roaring Most hidiously and pissing 
while they Fought, Doing their uttermost to hurt each 
other and Drive backe by shooving and setting their 
huge Massy bodies one against the other, soe thatt one 
ore other Must give ground att last. And then they 
part them. Butt the Commaund of their Keepers was 
insufficient, as allsoe the goodwill of the Fower Females 
at their heeles, soe thatt there Faine to bee Neare 200 
Men to hale on the said Hawsers to sever them ^ Having 

^ Mundy has confused the description of a must elephant, from 
general accounts of these animals given him by their keepers, with 
that of a fighting elephant. 

^ When the Rev. Patrick Copland was at Achin in the time of Isk- 
ander Muda, he was present (25th June 1613) at " a fight of wild 
Elephants, which would quickly kill each other, but that some tame 
are made fast to them, which draw them backe, sometime eighty 
or an hundred men helping " {Observations by AI aster Copland, Minister, 
Purchas His Pilgylmes, ed. Maclehose, iv. 151). 


had 3 or 4 such boutts together, they were returned 
From whence they came, where in certaine places they 
stand Fettred in great bands of Rattanes^ (Able I 
conceave For a good shippe to Ride by). 

Then came againe the great guard off Elephantts, 
and then were there Foughtt lo or ii paire more, paire 
after paire, some performing extraordinary, especially 
one little paire. There were Elephantts hurt and teeth 
broken. These foughtt as bad as the Former, butt 
more tractable and ruled, and willbee ruled by their 
Keepers. After all these were introduced another Couple 
off Madde Elephantts (the grand guard beeing first 
gon) and Foughtt as the 2 Former, which beeing Don, 
the sport ended For this particuler. 

A question Answeared. 
A question may bee demaunded if thatt the Elephantts 
fightt soe furiously, how chaunce their is no More hurt 
Don. It is to bee conceaved as Boares would quickly 
spoile each other if they could come to have an advauntage,, 
butt by Instinct of Nature they know one anothers 
play and how they may bee hurt, which both sides seeke 
and prevent. Soe is it with these. For they usually 
Fenc^ with their teeth and bear off with the uppermost 
and biggest part off their trunckes, Most commonly 
their tuskes, one of each side the others Noses. Butt 
many tymes they strike and wound each other shrewdly 
in their heads, trunckes, mouthes, etts. Sometymes 
one of them runs away and then the other pursues him,, 
striking in the side, buttocke, or where hee can. 

This Hand reputed to breed the biggest Elephantts. 

This Hand is reported to breed the biggest of any 
knowne place elce, butt in my opinion I have scene as 

^ Rattan, Malay rotan, the stem of various species of climbing 
palms, Calamus. See Dampier, ii. 167, for a description of rattan cables. 

4. &IJ A-U 1^^^-^ 



No. i8. Fighting of Elephants. 


bigge and as talle in India, if not bigger 1. I caused once 
a very large one to bee Measured and was found to bee 
II Foote and 5 inches high perpendicular, From the 
ridge of his backe (which is his highest part) unto 
the ground. There may bee some off 12, I2| and 
13 Foote highe and thatt is the uttermost For any 
thatt ever I saw-. The teeth of these here are all 
uncutt, some 4, some 5 and 6 Foote long, butt not 
very bigge. This King is said to have aboutt 1000 
off them. 

I have here allsoe by Figure set Downe the Manner 
off their Fighting, Viz'^. 

[Mundy's description of Illustration No. i8.] 

A. The King of Achein sitting on his Chowtree. 

B. His guard of Weomen near aboutt him. 

C. The Commaunders of the English Fleete. 

D. The greatt furious fighting Elephantts. 

E. Shee Elephantts Fastned to their hinder legges. 

F. Men with long pikes, having sharpe Forcks or prangs 

att the end, to pricke and compell them as occasion 
shall serve. 

G. The great guard of Elephantts which, as I have 

said. Depart away att the Fighting of the furious 
unruly Elephantts, butt keepe their posture and 
stand when the other sorts Doe Fightt. 
H. A shee Elephantt. They have generally no tuskes, 
yett att Suratt I thinck I saw one thatt had a 
paire of little short teeth. 

^ The elephants of Ceylon bore a higher reputation with 17th 
■century travellers than those of Sumatra. See Bowrey, ed. Temple, 
p. 180 and note. 

* A full grown male Indian elephant rarely exceeds 11 ft. in height. 

' See Illustration No. iS. 


I. The Females privities lying rightt under betweene 
her hindlegges in the place where the udders of 
Kine, sheepe, etts. Doe ; in this Differing From 
all other. 

K. The Dugges or udder of the shee Elephantt lying bv 
here forelegges. 

L. A hee Elephantt, and beehind his eare att this 
Marcke * his testicles are said to ly. If this 
bee true it is very straunge ; butt it is here 
soe affirmed. 

M. The Elephantt stretching outt one of his hinder 
legges, holding it a little above ground, whereuppon 
the Keeper or other, taking hold off his taile, 
gett uppe. Thus the inferiour sort ; butt For 
their Masters or Men of quallity, they gett uppon 
them From some gallery, window, etts., or elce 
they [the elephants] lie Downe to receave them 
uppe ; allsoe with a shortt ladder. 

N. People helping to hale backe when they would part 
the Madde Elephantts From Fighting. 

O. The multitude of Spectators. 

I have bin somwhatt long aboutt the Elephantt 
because it is a beast to bee noted as the biggest, strongest, 
most capable (as it is held) and Most Dissenting 
[differing] in forme and use of parts From others of any 
thatt is. 

There were allsoe Buffaloes, Antaloppe and Rammes 
in a Redinesse, butt the Buffaloes only Foughtt, and thatt 
very strong and eagerly. One of them was given after 
to our Admirall [Captain John Weddell] and sent aboard, 
Where it is said thatt all the Men in the shippe could 
not knocke him Downe with a sledge, butt thatt they 
were att last faine to Fetter him, through him Downe 
and soe cutt his throate. 


A guard of weomen with bowes and arrowes^ 

This Daies sport beeing allsoe ended, the King 
returned, riding on a smalle Elephantt in a Httle Saddle 
with 3 quittasoles carried over him, A guard and Drummes 
going before him, Another guard of Weomen Followin 
him on Foote with bowes and arrowes in their hands. 
These sate Neare and aboutt him while the pastyme 
lasted, all uncovered and shorne, having cutt off their 
haire att the old Kings Death, as Most of the weomen 
in towne elce : a Custome used of old. It is said allsoe 
thatt Divers of them were stranglued to accompany 
and attend him in the other Worlds 

Here aboutt the Rode nere the shore the ground is 
levell and low. A little within the land are very high 
hilles, both which much subject to Fogges and Mists, 
greene all the Year long, rayning once in 15 or 20 Daies 
More or lesse as in our parts. No sett Monsoone off 
Raines and foule weather as att Suratt^ allthough att 
Sometymes More then others, and then itt cleane 
overfiowes the lower ground. 

^ Beaulieu {Voyages de Thevenot), pp. 102 — 103, says that Iskandar 
Muda's female guard numbered 3000 and that the women rarely 
left the fortress of Achin except to accompany the king on special 
religious and state occasions. 

^ See Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 311, for the compulsory shaving of 
such Achinese women as resisted the general mourning order in 1675. 
Valentyn, in describing the royal funeral of 1641 at Achin (vol. v., 
Sumatra, p. 9) confines himself to stating that the women tore their 
hair, beat their breasts and scratched their faces. Mundy's statement 
of the strangling of members of the king's female guard to accom- 
pany him to the next world is strange for a Muhammadan country 
like Sumatra, and is not, so far as I know, confirmed by other 

' Dampier, however (11. 148) says: "Their weather [at Achin] is 
much the same as in other Countries North of the Line, and their 
dry Seasons, Rains, and Land-floods come much at the same tim-? 
as at Tonquin and other places of North Latitude." The fact is 
that the north of Sumatra is subject to the N.E. and S.W. monsoon? 
or rainy seasons much as in the Bay of Bengal. 



Houses att Acheini. 

Their houses are builtt on posts Covered with Cajans 
or toddy leaves-, the sides of rattanes very prettily 
woven. Their living is in the upper roomes, the lower 
lying open like a lynny^ ; because that after some greatt 
shower of Raine the vally is overfiowne as aforesaid, 
soe thatt they goe from place to place and house to house 
in prowes* or boates ; butt the water stayeth not above 
2 or 3 Dales. This by reports 

Much gold in sundry parts of this Hand, some within 
the Dominion of this King (For it hath Divers), it beeing 
one of the greatest knowne Iland[s] in the World, the 
Middle of it lying allmost rightt under the equinoctiall 

Gallies and Frigatts. 

Of Gallies and Frigatts this king hath Near uppon 
200 here, and of smalle vessells and greatt prowes a 
Multitude" aperteyning to particulers [private owners], 
whose sailes are off leaves woven like matts, and their 
Cables, Cordage, etts. made of rattanes woven like 
Sinnett ^ or platts ; their shroudes of one reede or bigge 

^ See Illustration No. 19. 

^ Cajan (cadjan) is a term used for two entirely different things, 
(i) Malay kajang, any palm-leaf, especially for thatching and matting, 
usually nipa {nipa fruHcans), toddy palm {ic7r, palmyra) and the coco- 
nut palm. (2) Malay kachang, any pulse or leguminous plant, usually 
in India dal {Cajanus Indicus). 

^ Linhay (linney, linny) a term used in the south-west of England 
to indicate a shed or building open in front, usually having a lean-to 
roof. For other contemporary descriptions of houses at Achin, see 
Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 11. 318 ; De Graaf, p. 22 ; 
Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 321. 

^ Malay prau, prahu, any kind of boat or ship. 

^ See Dampier, 11. 149 for confirmation. 

* The equator crosses about the middle of Sumatra, which lies 
between 6° N. and 7^ S. 

' See Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 11. 285, 321, for 
further remarks on the galleys of Achin. 

' Sinnett (a nautical term of obscure origin) is used to indicate 
flat braided cordage of rope-yarn or other fibrous material. 


No. 19. Houses at Achein. 

No. 20. Prows of great Swifftnesse. 


rattan such as wee walcke withall. The said gaUies 
and Frigatts, when they are outt of Imploymentt, are 
haled uppe on shore and in Drie Dockes Carefully covered 
over with Cajanes to Keepe them From the Sunne and 

Prowes of greatt Swiff tnesse. 

Here are some prowes of such exceeding swiffttnesse 
in a gale of wind thatt it [is] allmost incredible, a man 
standing to windward to Keepe her upprightt, thatt the 
Crossebarres com nott much into the water. For the 
outer barres of all are to keepe her from oversetting, 
which shee would otherwise bee subject unto, beeing 
soe long and narrow to beare such a saile, which is allsoe 
the Cause of her swifft Motion. I say her greatt length 
and soe little breadth with a saile soe unproportionably 

A fresh River : Ordnaunce. 

Here is a pretty Fresh River aboutt a stones cast 
over ; A Barre very daungerous sometymes by report 
only For smalle vessells'. Many plattfformes [for mount- 
ing guns] along in the Bay ; store of good Ordnance 
here and there S among the rest a greatt brasse gunne 
or [blank] lying by the court gate, sent by King James 

^ For a detailed article on Malay boats, including the sails of matting, 
see Indian Antiquary xxxv. 97 — 115. 

^ See Illustration No. 20. Mundy is describing the well-known 
Oriental outrigged canoe, which Dam pier (11. 131) calls " Flying- 
Proes." See also article in Indian Antiquary above quoted. 

' Bowrey (ed. Temple, p. 286) says that " Vessels of 60, 70 or 80 
tunnes may come up to the towne Side 2 or 3 miles within [as far 
as] the barre [of the Achin River]." Marsden {Sumatra, pp. 396 — - 
397) says that there is only 4 ft. of water on the bar, which prohibits 
the use of the river to all but small country boats. 

* See Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 109 — no; De Graaf, p. 23; 
Beaulieu {Voyages de Thevenot), p. 105. 


to the old King. The bore of itt was near 25 or 26 inches 
Diameter ^ 


Many Churches or Mosches of a pretty Forme like 
unto thatt Deciphered in the Kings riding in state 


The Native inhabitants Mahometaines, ordinarily 
apparelled in blew callico, butt the better sort in Purple, 
tawny, etts., a very odde habitt, viz: On their heads 
shashes [turbans] twisted like roules like those wheron 
Maides carry their Milking pailes, which covereth not 
the Crowne of their heads ^ ; on their shoulder a shirt 
or Jakett with monstrous wide sleeves close att the wrist ; 
a lunghee aboutt their Middle ; long swords by their 
sides somwhatt a[fte]r the Decan fashion, hanguing 
in a beltt over one shoulder very straungely ; allsoe 
Cresses [kris], a kind of Dagger, most commonly with 
very ritch hilts or handles, the blade going No farther 
then this marcke** ; all the Men shaven clean off upper 
lippe and Chin, resembling soe Many Friers, and all 
barefooted from the King to the Begger as farre as I 
could here or see^ 

^ Mundy is alluding to the brass cannon sent by James I. to the 
King of Achin in 1618. It was 9 feet long, with a bore of 2 feet. 
See Foster, English Factories, 1618 — 1621, p. 64W. 

2 Dampier (11. 129 — 130) describes the mosques at Achin as 
" generally square built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high 
nor large . . . no Turrets or Steeples [minarets]." 

^ See Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 11. 314, for the investing 
of John Davis at Achin (in 1599) with a " Roll of white linnen about 
my head and white embroidered and red robes." 

* See Illustration No. 21. 

^ See Dampier, who says (11. 129) that " a sort of Sandals are worn 
by the better sort." 


No. 21*-'. A Durion. 

No. 21 V An Orancay. 

No. 22. A Mallacca Woman with 
a broad Hatte. 

No. 2i'-. An Achein Woman. 


[Mundy's description of Illustration No. 21]. 
The expression of the 3 Former Figures. 

The Men are figured as No. A, the better sort of 
Weomen as No. B ; and No. C is a Durien, a fruit I 
much heard spoken of and commended, accompted 
hott, Delicious in tast, though of a very ranck smelle 
to first commers, somewhatt like unto Rotten onions ; 
in shape like unto a hedgehogge, as on the other side 
[but] somewhatt bigger 1. 

Here are many Moores, guzarattes, who goe after 
their owne Country manner. Att some tyme of the yeare 
here arrive Juncks From sundry parts, viz., From Guzaratt, 
Mesulipatan, Bengala, Macassar, etts^ 

Cruell Justice. 

Justice executed here with Cruellty on Maleffactors, 
viz., to some cutting off both hands and Feete, others 
either hands or Feete only ; to others their Noses, 
their lippes, privities. And thus Dismembred, Mangled 
and Disfigured, they are left goe to seeke their living. 
If the offence Deserve Death, then is their staking alive, 
sawing asunder alive, cutting in peeces, th[r] owing to 
Elephantts to bee by them Dismembred and torne 
in peeces*. 

1 The well-known edible fruit of offensive odour of the Far East, 
the dorian or durian, Malay duran, duriyiln. See Rumphius, Herbarium 
Amboinense, s.v. Durio, duryon, lib. i, cap. 24, torn, i ; Bowrey, ed. 
Temple, p. 322 ; Linschoten, ed. Tiele, 11. 52 — 53. 

^ De Graaf, p. 23, remarks, " Here [at Achin] are found the mer- 
chants, both Moors [Oriental foreign Muhammadans] and idolaters 
[Hindus], provided with all kinds of merchandise. See also Dampier, 
II. 129 ; Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 287 — -288. 

* See Beaulieu {Voyages de Thevenot), pp. 61 — 62, loi — 102 ; 
Dampier, 11. 138 — ^140, and Bowrey, ed. Temple, pp. 315 — 317, for 
further details of barbarous treatment of criminals at Achin. 


Coines, Waightts and Measures att Achein\ 

A Turon== or tay^ is 4 Ryall of $" eightt*, no coine 
butt a valluation, 

A Ryall of eightt worth 4 massaes^ somtimes 4I 
and 5. 

^ Scales of currency and money and weights in the Malay Archi- 
pelago and Peninsula have always varied greatly. See Indian 
Antiquary, xxvii. 37 ff., xxviii. 103 ff., XLii. 85 ff., for elaborate dis- 
quisitions on Malay weights and currency and their nomenclature 
and scales and values. 

Mundy's scale works out as follows : — 

600 casse = I massa (gold) 

4? (5) massa = i ryall of eight 

4 ryall of eight = i tay 

Dampier (11. 132) in 1688 found 4, 4^ and 5 " mess " to the piece 
of eight and leaden (spelter) cash 1000 to 1500 to the " Mess ... at 
the descretion of the Money-changers." 

^ " Turon " reappears in Relation xxvii. as " turanae " for a tael 
of account. There does not seem to be any term directly represent- 
ing " turon " or " turanae " in Malay or Portuguese. Tael in Malay 
is tahil, but in Siamese it is tamliing {Indian Antiquary, xxvii. i, etc.), 
and in the allied Cambodian it is tomlong {ibid. pp. 3, 34, etc.), terms 
which the French writers report as damlong {ibid. p. 17). Mr. C. Otto 
Blagden informs me that in Cambodian there is a term trenot for a 
string of 600 cash (tael of account). In the language of the Shans 
of Burma, closely allied to the above tongues, the term for a tael is 
taiing {ibid., pp. 8, 14). In Cochin-Chinese (Champa) there is a term 
kwan, kwon, for the tael of account {ibid. p. 36). The Chinese name 
for the tael is Hang (Cantonese, leang), which in the allied Annamese 
and Cochin-Chinese takes the form of luong {ibid. p. 35). 

It is probable, however, that Mundy is referring to a tael of Turon, 
or Tourane as the French spell the name. Turon is the second largest 
town in Annam along the old commercial high road, about a mile 
above the harbour of Han-sen, near the well-known nautical land- 
mark, Cape Turon or North Cape. 

* Tay, often also spelt tai, taie, by old travellers, Malay tdhil, 
tuil (probably connected with the Indian word tula, an avoirdupois 
weight), commonly tael, tale, the money of account and coin, usually 
believed, erroneously, to be Chinese : the modern standard weight of 
16 mace or 4 dollars. 

* Mundy's sign for " Ryall of eightt " is very interesting as showing 
it was a dollar, and that the modern sign for the dollar is the figure 
8 with a line through it signifying that the original dollar was of eight 

® Masse, S. Indian mas, Skr. niasha, Malay mdyani, the commercial 
term mace : a small gold coin and also money of account, usually 
a quarter dollar (piece of 8, real of 8). 


A Massa, a smalle peece of gold worth Now 600 Casse^ 
A Casse, a smalle tynne Coine. 

A Bahare is 200 Cattees^. 
A Cattee is 3of ounces English next hand. 

A Bambo 3 3 pints English Near hand». 

A Factory setled att Achein. 
The Commaunders having established a Factory hier 
onshore, Wherof Mr Edward Knipe* principall, Mr Andrew 
Carneworth5 2d, Mr ["William] Bourne " Purser of the Anne 
3d, with 2 or 3 other English, Wee desired leave to bee gon. 
According unto our Desire the King sent us his Choppe 
licensing our Departure. Soe on the 2d of May, by breake 
of day 1637, wee sett saile outt of the roade of Achein. 

End of the 23 Relation. 

1 Casse, S. Indian kdsu, Skr. karsha, Port, caixa, commercial, 
cash : the lowest monetary denomination. It always varied enor- 
mously in comparative value with the doUarin regard to time and place. 
On the way out to the Far East Mundy found it as above, 600 to the 
mace ; on the way back, nine months afterwards {Relation yocyu), he 
found it 1000 to the mace at the same place. Albuquerque (1510) found 
the Malay currency at Malacca to be of tin {Indian Antiquary, xlii. 109). 

2 Bahare, Malay bakar, bh/lnl, the weight of 200 kati at Achin, 
but usually of 3 pikul of 133^ lbs. or 100 catties (Malay katl), making" 
the kati i^ lbs. The katl varied from about i lb. to 2 lbs. Mundy's 
" cattee " is nearly 2 lbs. In Relation xxvii., infra, Mundy works 
out the bahar of 200 kati at Achin at 382 lbs. 13 oz. Bowrey, in 1675, 
made the Achin bahar 396 lbs. 11 oz. 14 grs. (p. 282 n). The standard 
weight of the bahar may be taken at 400 lbs. See article on Malay 
Currency in Indian Antiquary, vol. xlii. 

^ Bamboo {kiilah, kulak), a Malay measure of capacity. See 
Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 281. Marsden {Sumatra, p. 192) makes it 
3^ pints. The sign given by Mundy indicates 3 pints. The mark- 
is that still employed for the pint with a 3 written through it. 

* See ante, p. 21. 

^ Andrew Carneworth, or Cornwath, apparently died at Achin. 
The last mention found of him is at the end of 1637. See the account 
of Edward Knipe, Appendix B. p. 460. 

® The name " William " is supplied in the Continuation of the China 
Voyage, which adds that the other members of the expedition left 
at Achin were " 2 English youthes and a blacke," and that " In- 
structions and Advice " were given them " for their proceedinges." 






Our Departure From Achein. 

The 2d May Anno 1637. Wee sett saile outt of the 
roade of Achein by breake of Day, passing by a most 
pleasauntt peece of Country this Day. 

Taking possession and New naming Hope Hand : how. 

The 11th currantt [May 1637]. Wee came to a smalle 
Hand called Pulo[ver]era^ which was by our Commaunder 
new named, calling itt Hope Hand, taking possession 
therof For the King of England by Nayling a leaden 

* The full headline to this Relation in the MS. is, " From Achein 
on Sumatra unto Macao in China." 

2 Pulo Berhala (Barahla, Brahla, Image or Pagoda Island), the 
Pulo Verela of Horsburgh, East India Directory, ed. 1855, a high island 
and a good landmark, about 22 miles from the Sumatra shore. There 
is water in a little cove on the south side, and plenty of firewood and 
excellent pine logs for spars. In Relation xxvii., on the return voyage, 
Mundy calls the island Pulo Verera and the spelling in this instance 
is probably a slip of the pen. Pulo Berhala appears in the Log of the 
Princess of Denmark {Marine Records, vol. Lxxx.), under date ist June 
1689, as Pulo Verda, in the log of the Catherine (vol. 115A), under 
dates 4th and 6th June 1704 as Polow Vararah and Pulavearara, and 
in the Log of the Comptoyi (vol. 666c) as Pulo Verera or Verella. Up 
to the end of the i8th century the island was known under both names. 
See Dunn, East India Directory, ed. 1780, p. 414. 


plate with the EngHsh armcs on the stocke of a tree. 
Here wee wooded and watred. Of the former here were 
trees of an exceeding heightt, straightnesse and bigge- 
nesse, Bamboes or Canes of 40 or 50 Foote long, as bigge 
as a Mans legge in the Calffe ; Allsoe springs and Rilletts 
in sundry places. 

Porters Hands allsoe New Named. 

The 14th [May 1637]. Wee came to Many smalle 
Hands and Rockes^ which were named Porters Hands 
(I conceave) in remembraunce of Mr Endimion Porter, 
one of our Imployers^ 

Sumattra and the coast of Mallacca scene both att 


The i^th and 16th currantt [May 1637]. Wee saw 
the Mayne of Mallacca and the Hand of Sumatra both 
att once aboutt 8 or 9 leagues From land to land*. 

Our arrivall and anchoring in the Road of Mallacca*. 

The 24th [May 1637]. Wee anchored in the road of 
Mallacca. Wee saluted the place and were answeared 

^ The Brothers, Pulo Pandang and Salanama (Pulo-pandan, 
Pandanus or Screw-pine Island, and Salah-nama, Miscalled Island), 
two small islands in the track of vessels navigating the coast of Sumatra, 
25 to 30 miles south-east of Pulo Berhala. " At 6 Anchored, the 
Hands Cald the two Brothers Bearing SWbS., Pulavearara NW = N." 
Log of the Catherine, 6th June 1704 {Marine Records, vol. 115A). 

^ Endymion Porter (1587 — -1649), Groom of the Bedchamber, 
one of the originators of Courteen's Association. For his share in the 
venture in which Mundy took part, see Mr Foster's Introduction to 
Court Minutes 1637 — 1641, p. xvi. Porter's name did not remain 
attached to the islands. 

^ The fleet had doubled Cape Rachado (Tanjong Tuang, the Lord's 
Cape), whence the low coast of Sumatra (distant 20 miles) and Malacca 
are both visible. 

* From the letter of 19th December 1637 {Courieen Papers, MS. 
Rawl. A. 299, given in full in Appendix D), we learn that the object 
of touching at Malacca was to get information about the difficulties 
of navigating the Straits of Singapore and " if possible, to procure 
an experienct Pilott, the better to avoyde them." 


againe From the townee This hold hath bin allwaics 
accompted very strong, allthough itt bee not much 
above i mile in Compasse within the walles^. It is 
Furnished with Neare 160 peeces of brasse Ordnance^ 
som of aboutt loUooo^ waightt, each carrying an 
Ironshotte of aboutt 80 pound waightt, Most of them 
unmounted ; the greatest part taken som 7 or 8 yeares 
since, when the Portugalls here gave the King of Achein 
a very greatt overthrow, where hee lost all his gallies, 
Ordnance and Many thousand Men*. The Newes of 
this victory came to Surat att my beeing there ^ 

An Englishman Married to a Mestiza. 

The Master Gunner of this place is an Englishman 
long since run away from the Companys shippes and 

1 From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records^ 
vol. LXiii.) we learn that the Dragon's barge was sent ashore with 
Thomas Robinson " to salute the Governor, A younge man, called 
Don Diego Coutinho, the sonn of a brave soldier [Dom Francisco 
Coutinho], but himselfe as it seemed being wounded more with Cupidds 
shaftes then Mars his lances. He kindly welcomed the messenger 
and in vaine Expected letters from the Vice Roy of Goa. Against 
the morninge he provided a present of refreshinge, such as places of 
Garrison might afiourd, and with a friendly letter to the admyrall 
sent it abourd, proferringe us the assistance of himselfe and his, which 
was kindly requested, with the like in Every respect." 

- The early history of Malacca' (Malaka) is obscure, but it un- 
doubtedly became a place of importance early in the fifteenth century. 
It was taken by the Portuguese in 15 11 and held by them until 1641, 
when it was captured by the Dutch. See Wilkinson, Papers on Malay 
Subjects, History, pt. i ; Dennys, British Malaya, s.v. Malacca ; 
Lisbon Transcripts, Noticias da India, Translations, vol. i. pt. i, pp. 246 — 

^ I have not succeeded in tracing the origin of this sign, indicating 
thousand, which is used by seventeenth century writers (but by no 
means consistently) in the same way as the comma is now employed 
to divide the noughts. It occurs four times in the present volume. 
Elsewhere Mundy writes his numbers in the usual way. 

* For an account of the attempt of the King of Achin to recover 
possession of Malacca in 1629, see Danvers, Portuguese in India, 11. 
228- — 233. The fleet numbered 250 vessels, 47 of which were of an 
unusual size and strength. The entire army consisting of 
20000 men, was either killed or taken prisoner and an enormous amount 
of booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese. 

Mundy was at Surat from September 1628 to November 1630. 
See vol. II. 


Now lately here Married to a Mestiza [Portuguese half- 
caste] ^ 

An English Woman Married to a Mestizo. 

Here is allsoe an Englishwoman Married to a Portugall 
Mestizo of some quallity, are well to live, and have 
beetweene them one pretty boy. Shee came from 
England some 18 or 19 yeares since when Captain Carter 
(Now Commaunder of the Catherine) was Master of the 
Unicorne bound For Japan. Then was shee Maid- 
servauntt to one Furbisher, a Carpenter, who with his 
Family was passing thither to remayne in the Country 
as Cheiffe Carpenter to trymme and repaire the East 
India Copmpmanys [sic\ shippes, having then trade in 
those parts 2. The said shippe Unicorne in her voyage 
thither was cast away on the Coast of China, and with 
whatt they saved From her they boughtt China vessells, 
and proceeding on their voyage were taken by the 
Portugalls Nere unto Macao, Wee then beeing att 
Difference with them in these parts ; her Master was 
afterwards slaine. Her Mistris returned For England 
and shee remayned among the Portugalls, where shee 
was brought upp by the Misericordia, an order that 
takes care for Orphanes and their bringuing uppe. Att 
length this Man desired her to wiffe and For her Dowry 
had an office given him in the Custom house. She was 
called Judith and now Julia de la gracia*. There was 

1 Mandelslo (p. 106) reckoned the population of Malacca in 1639 
to be about 12000, and of these " not above three hundred natural 
Portuguez, the greatest part are Mestizos or Malayans." 

2 For the history of the English factory at Firando (Hirado), a 
small island off Kiushiu, Japan, 1613 — 1623, see Diary of Richard Cocks , 
ed. Maunde Thompson. 

' The details here given by Mundy supplement the account of the 
Furbishers contained in the India Oihce records. Richard Furbisher 
>(Furbusher, Frobusher) served the Company as master carpenter of 
the Charles in her voyage to Bantam, returning to England in 16 18. 
In February i6ig the Court of Committees, realizing the necessity of 
" a good ship-carpenter in India " agreed with Furbisher, who was 
■" known to be very skilful " and willing " to go and live in India for 


att Achein an Englishman allsoe married and turned 

Provisiones Dear att Mallacca. 

Provisiones, as Bread, Flesh, butter, sugar, etts., all 
extreame Deare ; only racke ['arak, spirits] and Fruite 
Cheape, their beeing store of either^. 

Mallacca hath a Fresh River with a bridge- : much 
suburbes withoutt the walls. It lies in the kingdome of 
Paon [Pahang], whose king is allsoe King of Jore [Johor],. 
thatt King beeing Dead, one of his Sonnes now King of 
Achein who had married the old Kings Daughter as 
aforementioned ^ 

seven years with his two sons." The family, with a maidservant, 
sailed in the Hope for Bantam, and in December 1619 Furbisher wrote 
to the Court from the Cape " complaining of sundry defects in the 
shipping." At Bantam the Furbishers appear to have transhipped 
to the Unicorn bound for Japan. The ship was wrecked on the coast 
of China, but " the Companie saved themselves " and landed at 
Macao " with a chest of money " with which they bought " two 
barks." Furbisher with his wife and family sailed for Malacca in 
one of these and remained there as captives. In 1625 " Mistress 
Frobisher " was ransomed in exchange for two Portuguese gentle- 
women, and went to Batavia, her husband having been " slain at 
Malacca, her children detained and her maid turned Catholic." In 
October 1626 she was in England and addressed the Court as " Johan 
Cranfield, late wife of Richard Frobisher deceased." She stated that 
her sons had died in Malacca and that " her servant was yet in 
slavery." She petitioned for wages due to Furbisher and for money 
left by him at Batavia. 

Mr Bromley Eames, The English in China, p. 14, suggests that 
Judith (later Julia de la Gracia) was the first Englishwoman to visit 
China, but he was evidently unaware that Mrs Frobisher was also in 
the Unicorn at the time of the wreck. 

See Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1618 — 1621 and 1625 — 
1629. For the wreck of the Unicorn in 1620, see Foster, English 
Factories, 1618 — 1621, p. 266 n. and the authorities there quoted. 

^ Valentyn also remarks on the dearness of food at Malacca, and 
says that the only provisions not imported were fish and fruit {Ood en 
Nieuw Oost Indien, v. (Malakka) 310. 

* The town of Malacca is situated on a small river of the same name 
which divides it into two parts. Herbert (p. 315) says of the bridge 
that it was " strong though meanly beautiful!." See also Valentyn, 
op. cit., p. 309 ; for contemporary descriptions of Malacca, see Man- 
delslo, p. 106, and Lisbon Transcripts, Noticias da India, Trans., vol. i. 
pt. I, p. 246. 

^ The personage alluded to as " now King of Achein " was Iskandar 
Thani (see ante, -p. 117), there described as son-in-law of Iskandar Muda 
and a son of the King of Pahang. Iskandar Thani (Iskandar II.) 


Their habitt. 

Their habitt as att Goa ; only the vulgar sort of 
Weomen wear hatts of Cajanes^ or toddy leaves sowed 
together of 4 and 5 Foote Diameter, like quitasoles 
[umbrellas] - ; the Country people attired like those att 
Achein. This Mayne beeing of the same Nature as the 
Hand of Sumatra, Clowdes and Fogges hanguing Most 
commonly aswell on the lowland as aboutt the toppes of 
Hilles, which makes the Countrie soe abounding in trees 
(allmost all covered with woodes) grasse, etts. greene 
things, as allsoe in Fountaines and springs, allthough 
the Climate bee held unwholsome. 

Malaya : The Mallaya tongue of a greatt extent. 

This part of the Continentt is properly called Mallaya 
and the Mallaya tongue is used Farre and Neare 

was a prince of the old Malacca line of which the Pahang and Johor 
dynasties were branches, being descended from Mansur Shah of Malacca, 
who flourished about 1470. In 1637 (according to Wilkinson, Papers 
on Malay Subjects, History, pt. i, p. 50), Pahang and Johor were 
separate kingdoms and not under one ruler as Mundy says, but Mundy 
had much to support him in his statement at the time, for the Dutch 
writers in 1634 speak of Johor and Pahang as incorporated in the 
Achin dominions. 

The history of the period is not easy to follow, but the most likely 
story is that in the Bustdnu's-Salatln (quoted by Winstedt and Blagden, 
Malay Reader, pp. 102 — 103), viz., that the Achinese captured Iskandar 
Thani, son of Ahmad Shah of Pahang, when they took Pahang (c. 
1616), as a boy of about seven years old. He subsequently married 
Iskandar Muda's daughter and succeeded him as King of Achin. 
This account would make him about twenty-eight years old in 1637, 
when Mundy saw and described him as about twenty-five. 

The King of Johor, alluded to by Mundy as being dead, did actually 
die in 1637 and was Raja 'Abdullah (Sultan 'Abdu'llah Mughayat 
Shah), who spent the last years of his life, from 1623, as a fugitive 
from the wrath of his sister's husband, Iskandar Miida of Achin. 
On the death of both these kings, the latter in 1636 and the former 
in 1637, Johor revived and became independent under 'Abdu'llah's 
son Sultan 'Abdu'l-Jalil Shah. 

I am indebted for the information leading to this note to Mr 
C. Otto Blagden. 

^ See note ^ on p. 132. 

* See Illustration No. 22. For further remarks on native costumes 
at Malacca, see Pyrard de Laval, vol. 11. pt. i, p. 156. 


amongst all these Easterne lies, as Sumatra aforesaid, 

The 26th of May [1637]. Wee sett saile From 
Mallacca-. * 

The last of this Month [May 1637], Wee came to 
the entraunce of the straightts of vSincapura', their 
€omming to us Divers boates with excellentt good Fresh 
Fish, as allsoe Dried. Wee wentt 4 or 5 leagues, all the 
way on both hands soe full of Creekes, passages and 
Hands as I never saw the like, especially on the starboard 
side, the little lies lying like soe many Haicocks laid 
close together, all overgrowne with trees. 

Oysters growing on trees. 

Wee sentt and broughtt wood From one of these little 
Hands, where wee Found pretty oysters growing on the 
stemmes of trees ; butt they grew within Full sea Marcke*. 

^ Malaya, correctly Malayu, the Mala}^ Peninsula and Archipelago. 
Mundy is right. The Malay language, being the common medium of 
communication, infused itself into all the languages of the Archi- 
pelago. Mandelslo (p. io8) also remarks, " The Malacca or Malay 
Language is held the most elegant of all the Indies wher it is at least 
as general as French in Europe." 

^ In Weddell's own account of the voyage [O.C. 1662) the date of 
departure from Malacca is given as the 25th of May. The Continuation 
of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) notes that during 
the stay at Malacca the ships trimmed their boats and took in water 
and provisions. They also landed a Jesuit brought from Cochin 
" att the Governors entreaty " and having taken in two more " upon 
the same tearmes, togeather with a slender [inefficient] pillott for 
Macaw," they departed. 

^ Sincapura (the old European form of Singhapura, the modern 
Singapore) is really an island off the southern extremity of the Malay 
Peninsula with a narrow strait between it and the mainland. 

The Continuation of the China Voyage says that the ships first 
"" entred the streights of Pulo Symbilan [Sembllan] or the nyne Islands 
and soe passed through Sincapura." By the " streights of Pulo Sym- 
bilan " is meant the Selat Sembllan, a passage half a mile broad at 
the widest, between Tanjong Gul district S.W. Singapore and a group 
of islands which, however, are many more than nine {sembllan) . 

* The smaller kind of oyster (Mai. tiram), very good to eat, is 
generally found clinging to the roots of the mangrove in the wash 
of the tide in the Indian islands. When Dampier was off the coast 
of Mexico {Voyages, ii. 17), he found oysters in the creeks " and the 
Mangrove-Roots that grow by the sides of the Creeks are loaden 
with them ; and so are all the Branches that hang in the Water." 


Great scallop shells. 

Here in the Oase were scalloppe shells, which by 
computation could nott wey lesse then 10 or 12 //. each. 
Of these I have bin enformed by Portugalls, as allsoe 
by English, Thatt there are some as bigge as greatt 
bucklers and as heavy as 2 Men are able to carry 1. 

The Distance and Course is here omitted, which may 
bee remedied as aforementioned in our passage From 
Battacala to Achein- ; the windes and weather variable 
From Achein hitherto with many gusts, thunder, Ught- 
ning and raine (somtimes). 

Coynes, Waightts and Measures att Mallacca. 

Ryalles of eightt worth 8 tangaes. A tanga is a 
coyned peece, allso Bazarucces^ Bahares and Cattees* 
as att Achein. 

A gantt, wherof 7 make 6 gallons Nearest hand^ with 
Divers other Coins, Waightts and Measures Nott here 
sett Downe. 

Abstractte of the Month of May 1637. 

2. Wee sett saile From Achein, E. longitude from 

11. Hope Hand : Here wee wooded there beeing store. 

12. Sett saile att 10 att Nightt. 

13. 3 other Hands and Rockes. 

14. Wee anchored att Nightt. 

15. Wee wayed againe. 

^ Mundy is describing the gigantic bivalve or clam (Tridacna gigas, 
Chama gigas, Mai. kima) found in great quantities in the Malay Archi- 
pelago. Linschoten (ed. Tiele, ii. i6) remarks, " There are by Malacca 
certaine fish shelles found on the shore, much like Scalop shelles, so 
great and so heavie, that two strong men have enough to doe with a 
Leaver to draw one of them after them." 

- See ante, -p^. 115 — 116. 

^ For " Ryalles of eight," " tangaes " and " Bazarucces " see notes 
on p. 65. 

* For " Bahares and Cattees " see note ^ on p. 137. 

5 Gantt, ganton, Mai. gantang, a dry measure of about a gallon. 


16. Anthony Leigh ^ Midshippman, Died. 

18. Richard Bromffeild^, Midshippman, Died. 

24. Wee anchored in the roade of Mallacca. From 

Achein hither 148^ leagues, 445 miles. 
26. Wee wayed From thence. 
31. Wee entred the straightts of Sincapura. 

Gon this Month of Maye the some of Miles . . . 565 

Passed through the old straightt. 

June Anno 1637. The First of this Month wee 
wentt through the old straightt* which May bee aboutt 
a good league in length and not above \ Mile broade 
att the Comming in and going outt, butt within wider, 
with many little bales, Creeks, Hands, etts., Where wee 
saw sundry companies of small boates covered over 
with Mattes*, which is the Ordinary habitation of those 

^ Anthony Leigh, of the parish of St Olave, Southwark, belonged 
to the Dragon. His will, dated 13 March 1635/6, before the departure 
of the Courteen fleet from England, was proved in January 1638/9 
by his wife Joan, and his effects were bequeathed to his wife and son 
Edward {P.C.C. Wills, 5 Harvey). 

- I have found no other reference to this individual. 

* The Old Strait of Singapore (St-lat Tebrau or Tembrau, the 
" Salle ta de Brew " of Hamilton, p. 92) on the northern side of the 
island, was the passage into the China Sea used by the Portuguese, 
and later by the English and Dutch. It has long been adandoned 
for the passage on the southern side of the island, which Gerini {Pto- 
lemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, p. 534 n. i) says was first used by 
the Portuguese in 1615. 

The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.) say it was " a way never before Experienced by the English," 
and that an " exact draught thereof " was taken by " our Mathe- 
maticians." They add that the passage " called the old streight 
or the straight of Dom John de Silva " was "by us called Weddells 
straights, which is both securious and Conamodious, and by the good 
observation of divers in the Fleett will (noe doubte) prove beneficiall 
to posteritie in the prosecution of this hopefuU designe." Dom Joao 
da Silva was in command of the Spanish settlement at Manila in 1615 
and died there in that year (See Dan vers, Portuguese in India, 11. 177). 
Neither his name nor that of Weddell was attached to the strait for 
any length of time. See the account of the passage through the Old 
Strait in 1825 {Journal of a Voyage round the Island of Singapore. Moor, 
Indian Anchipelago, pp. 269 — 273). 

'' Mundy is alluding to the ordinary Malay fishing boats with their 
cadjan {kajang) coverings. For an illustration, see Warrington Smyth, 
Mast and Sail, p. 338 ; see also Wilkinson, Papers on Malay Subjects, 
Malay Industries pt. i, pp. 8 — 18. 


thatt live among these Hands, Where they have their 
wives, children and Household goods. 

Pretty Fishing. 

Here they broughtt us More Fish, Fresh and Dried, 
which I conceave is their Cheifest Mayntenaunce, Killing 
them with Fishgaes^ in which they are very Dextrous, 
and a pretty sport it is to see them pursue the Fish 
with their little boates, who scudd before them as 
porpoises Doe before the stemme of a shippe in a gale of 
wynde untill they are strucke. They use allsoe netts, 
hookes and lynes. 

There was likewise broughtt us From the shoare in 
those little boates Plantanes, Sugarcanes and pine- 
apples 2, which they sow and plant in certaine plottes, 
Butt all thatt wee could Discover by sightt, as well 
Hands as Mayne, was quite overgrowne with trees and 

Daunger escaped. 

This Day comming Forth of the old straightt, through 
Negligence of our Pilot (beeing a Portugall Mestizo taken 
in att Mallacca as a passenger) ^ wee were in some 
Daiinger when wee thoughtt ourselves Most secure. 
For hee Directed us on the starboard shoare when wee 
should [have] kept the larboard side. Falling among 
uneven ground and shallow water, having once 
butt 3 J Fathom and a coites cast^ farther nott 10 

^ Fishgae, fishgig, fizgig {Sp. fisga, harpoon). The O.E.D. has no 
example of Mundy's speUing of the word. See Dampier (i. 35} on 
" harpoons or fisgigs " ; Wilkinson, op. cit. pt. 2 (Fishing), pp. 22 — 23. 

^ " Ananas " is the usual term for the pine-apple at this date. In his 
previous mention of the fruit {ante, p. 59) Mundy uses both terms. 

^ This was the " slender " pilot mentioned ante, note ^ on p. 144. 

* A quoit's cast, the distance to which a quoit is commonly thrown, 
i.e , 19 yards, though it varies from 15 to 20 yards. 

10 — 2 


Foote water. Butt God bee praised, wee gott clear 

Byntaon : a number of small Hands together. 

The 2d June [1637]. Wee passed beetweene the 
lies of Bintaon^ and the Mayne. This Bintaon appeares 
like 2 greatt Hands, but by relation they are a greatt 
Multitude of smalle ones lying close together, which to 
sightt seeme butt 2 great Hands, as aforesaid*. 

Many small Hands, rocks and shoalds, causing 
straunge Currentts. 
From Pulo Carimaon* to Piedra Branca, all the sea 
over in a Manner is strowed with smalle Hands, rockes 
and shoalds, causing straunge variable and strong 
currentts, somet3njies keeping itts Dew course ebbing 
and Flowing every 6 and 6 howers ; sometymes running 
For 2 or 3 Daies together all one way (by relation) 
according to the windes that rule. 

Piedra Branca. 

The 3^ Ditto [June 1637]. Wee passed by Pedra 
Branca^ (or the white stone) and the Mayne. H is a 

^ The narrowest part of the strait is about 7 miles north-eastward 
from Pulo Merambon. Weddell in his own account of the voyage 
{O.C. 1662) comments on the danger of the passage, and says it was 
accomplished " with much dif&cultie, for in the Channell we had but 
4^ fathomes a shipps length from us, and on both sides but 17 and 18 
foote hard rockie ground," but they " picked out the way and gott 
into deeper water and at last gott through these troublesome 

^ Pulo Bintang (Bentan) on the south side of Singapore strait. 

* Bintang is the largest of the crowd of islands at the eastern 
extremity of the Straits of Malacca. 

* Pulo Karimon. The islands of Great Karimon (Krimun) and 
Little Karimon lie at the eastern end of the Straits of Malacca. 

^ Pedra Branca, or White Rock (so named by the Portuguese) 
a detached rock 24 ft. above sea level, lies in the middle of the eastern 
entrance of Singapore strait. Floris, who saw it in 1613, gives the 
same account of the origin of the name {Journal de Pierre Will. Floris 
in Voyages de Thevenot, pt. 2, p. 24). 


noted Seamarcke, beeing a rocke appearing all white 
on the toppe, which (by report) is only the Dung of 
sea foule thatt roost and breed there. 

A Daunger feared : Anchored often. 

This Morning wee were faine to come to an anchor, 
Finding our selves sodainely sett with a strong race or 
currantt allmost uppon a bancke or shoald lying 2 or 3 
leagues Distant from point Romaina^ there running an 
exceeding swifft tide with a greatt noise over it as though 
there had bin very little water, butt sending to sound, 
there was found 3 or 4 Fathom on the toppe of it. Wee 
att length gotte clear of this allsoe. From Hope Hand 
[Pulo Berhala] the nth past to the presentt I thincke 
wee anchored not lesse then 50 severall tymes. 

Pulo Tingee : Pulo La ore. 

The 4th currantt [June 1637]. Wee past by Pulo 
Tingi^^ a small Hand. Pulo in Malayo signiffies an 
Hand. Thatt afternoone wee came to Pulo la ore 3, 
another smalle Hand, where wee made accompt to have 
watred and wooded, butt Found it very Deepe Near 
the shoare and badde anchoring, soe passed onward*. 

Pretty boats and as prettily rowed. 

As wee wentt b}^ there came off unto us From the 
said Hand aboutt i8 or 20 small boates of the Neatest 
forme and Making thatt I have yett seene among heathen, 

1 Romania Point (Tanjong Panyuso, Point Wet-nurse) is generally 
considered the most southerly point of the Malay Peninsula, but it 
is nearly two miles eastward of South Point or Tanjong Tehimpang. 

2 Pulo Tinggi (High Island) off the east coast of Johor. 

* Pulo Aor, or Awar (Bamboo Island), the most southerly of a 
chain of islets off the eastern coast of the Malay Peninsula. It is still 
an important point for vessels both going to and coming from China. 
Awar in Malay signifies a large species of bamboo. 

* The depths near Pulo Aor to the westward are 24 and 25 fathoms. 


somwhatt resembling the Piramees att Constantinople ^ 
allthough Nothing Neare soe long nor bigge, some of 
them with httle beakheads hke Frigatts, with paddles 
having a blade att both ends like the blade of some 
great Iron Weapon, broad and sharpe pointed with the 
handle in the Middle ^ as per the Figure^. They row 
or paddle with alternative strokes, viz., one stroke on 
the one side and the next on the other side and make 
good way. 

White people under the equinoctiall lyne. 

These broughtt us Goates, hennes, pineapples, plan- 
taines, Coconutts etts. Many of the people as white as 
some Barbary Moores, which may seeme straunge 
considering they live allmost under the Eaquator* 
Some reason therof may bee the continuall Clowdes, 
Raine and Moysture incidentt to these partts which 

^ See vol. I. p. 38, where Mundy spells the word peramee. 

^ Mundy is describing a Malay fishing canoe {kolek). 

^ See Illustration No. 23. 

* Mundy is no doubt describing people he saw, but they were not 
likely to have been pure natives of the islands. By " Barbary Moores " 
he means probably Hispano-Moorish half-breeds of the ports in North 
Africa, who would be of varying fairness in complexion; and the people 
he compares them with here may have been Talaing (Burma) -Malayan 
or Chino-Malayan half-breeds. Compare Gerini [Ptolemy's Geography, 
p. 509, last paragraph of note 2 to p. 506), as to the habits of the people 
of Pulo Condore, by way of accounting for colour or half-breed popu- 
lation. Many Mons (of which the seafaring Talaings are a branch) 
are very fair, but it is doubtful whether any of them could have been 
fisher-folk in Pulo Awar in Mundy's time. The old idea of nearness 
to the Equator affecting race-colour is demonstrably erroneous. 

The only first-hand reference to a white population in this region 
that I know of (a very doubtful one) is in the missionary Abbe Favre's 
Wild Tribes inhabiting the Malayan Peninsula, ed. 1865. He says 
(p. 29) : " I was told that in the forests of Pahang are found numerous 
tribes of Jakuns who are as white as Europeans ; that they are small, 
but very good looking, and the Malays are fond of catching them. 
For this purpose they form a party and beat the forest in order to 
catch these poor creatures, just as a troop of European hunters pursue 
fallow deers. When they succeed in their chase they take them to 
Pahang or to Siam, where, on account of their whiteness and comeliness, 
they sell them very dear. Other persons who have also seen this 
species of Jakuns tell me that they are not as white as Europeans, 
but that they approach more to the colour of the Chinese, which is 
the most probable." 


No. 26. A Leicheea. 




No. 23. Pretty boates. 


No. 25. La Varella 


No. 24. Monstrous Scallop Shells. 


Mittigates the heatt of the sunne. These people are 
subject to the King of Paon [Pahang]. 

Pulo Babee : Pulo Tymoaone. 

From hence wee past by Pulo Babee S another smalle 
inhabited Hand some 3 leagues asunder, and 3 leagues 
Farther wee came to Pulo Tymoane, a pretty bigge 
Iland^ and there anchored. 

The 6th of Jime [1637]. Wee wentt on shoare to 
wood and Water, wherof there was store ^ there beeing 
some houses in the woodes like to those att Achein* ; 
plantaines, potatoes ^ sugar Canes growing among the 
bushes, butt questionlesse sowed there by the people, 
allthough in a carelesse confuzed way, Palmito trees, 
whose toppes are good Meatt, especially boyled or 
roasted and buttred«. Here were allsoe of the same 

1 Pulo Babi, Hog Island, 9 miles north-west of Pulo Tinggi, off the 
east coast of Johor. 

^ Pulo Tioman {tiyuman) ? Sand-bath Island, about 22 miles 
north-west of Pulo Aor. It is 11 miles in extent and 2 to 6 miles 
broad, and is the largest of a chain of islets off Pahang. 

^ Fresh water is obtainable at Pulo Tioman from a small rivulet 
running into a sandy bay at the south-west of the island, and abund- 
ance of firewood can be procured near the shore. In the present day 
vessels seldom touch at this island. In Neuhoff's account of the 
Dutch Embassy to China in 1655 (p. 29), " Pau[l]o Tymon " is described 
as a " pleasant, wondrous, and delightful Island . . . full of Woods, 
Hills, and Dales." In the Log of the Rising Sun {Marine Records, 
vol. CLii.) under date 17th June 1701, it is said to be " so very high 
you can seldome see the top of it, by reason of the thick foggs and 
mist that continually hangs about it. . . . Tymoan is gross Sand mixt 
with white broken Shells." 

* See ante, p. 132. For Malay Houses, see Wilkinson, Papers on 
Malay Subjects — Life and Customs — pt. 2, pp. 9 — 19. 

5 The Sweet Potato, Batata edulis {Convolvulus Batatas, Linn.), 
Malay Ubi-Jawa. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Sweet Potato. 

® The Wild Palm {Nipa fruticans). Mundy is referring to the 
" cabbage " or edible heart at the end of the stem of a palm whence 
the leaves spring. It is still eaten, when opportunity offers, as an 
expensive delicacy, in the manner described by Mundy. Compare 
Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 81 : — " Wild Nutmeg, Cabage, and Mango 
trees, are common in the Woods [at Pulo Condore] . . . The Cabage 
seems to be no other than a wild Coco-nut Tree ; I saw no Fruit it 
had ; the Cabage is the Heart of it, which is always fit to be cut, and 
the Coco-nut Tree has it likewise in great Perfection ; I have eat of 
both sorts, and find no difference ; nor is either of them gather'd 
without Destruction to the Tree." 


Manner of prowes as were att Pulo La ore, and by any 
Mans Judgementt could nott way 40 II. each, some of 
them, made of very fine Hghtt boards fastned one to 
the other with Wooden pynnes as Coopers Doe the 
heads of some Caske, For wee could not perceave Neither 
within nor withoutt any Nayling or sowing or how it 
was Joyned, except some peeces att both ends which 
were pynned^ 

Monstrous scallope shells. 

Here in the Oase aboutt low water Marcke were 
sundry couples of great Scallop shells, lying open, the 
Fish Dead long since it seemes. For the shells were much 
Decayed and worne with tyme and washing of the sea. 
One of the said shells I gott outt with some helpe, had 
it broughtt aboard, and presented it to our Admirall 
[Captain J. Weddell]. It was in length 6 of my spannes, 
which is above 4 Foote, and Mightt weigh att least one 
hundred waightt, by some thought Much More^ I 
went ashoare For another For my selffe, and with Mr 
Barons 3 and Mr Smarts* helpe gotte one outt of the Oase 
butt the boate beeing some Distance offe, I could nott 
gett it shipped. The whole shell fish being alive could 
not weigh lesse then 3 hundredwaightt ^ thatt which I 

1 See ante, pp. 149 — 150. 

^ See ante, p. 145. The editor has in his possession a Tridacna 
gigas shell, brought from Malacca Village in Camorta, one of the Nicobar 
Islands, the dimensions of which are 3 ft. 4 in. in length and 2 ft. in 
width. Mundy probably measured with his hands round the flutes 
of the shell. The largest known to Marsden, Sumatra, p. 15 note, 
was " 3 ft. 3^ in. in its largest diameter and 2 ft. ij in. across." The 
Nicobarese name for this shell is kendu. Mandelslo's " Oyster-shells " 
from " the Indies " weighing 467 lbs. and those at Java weighing 
300 lbs. (p. 118) were no doubt specimens of the same variety of 

' For a note on William Baron, one of the merchants of the 
Catherine, see ante, p. 21. 

* John Smart, one of the merchants who sailed in the Catherine. 

^ This is a moderate estimate. A pair of the bivalves may weigh 
500 lbs. 


brought beeing butt one of the 2 wherof itt consists, 
there beeing in thatt place 20 or 30 couples of them, 
and are thus Figured : No. i the inside : No. 2 the 
backside ^ 

Munkies with square broad bushy beards. 

Here are allsoe greatt greene pidgeons such as are 
att Battacala^, Maynas or a foule much like them^ 
and there was bought and broughtt aboard a Munkey with 
a greatt broad Bush}^ beard ; other sorts of a blackish 
Coulloure with white beards are Found on this Coaste*. 

The jth [June 1637]. ^^^ evening wee sett saile 
From Pulo Tj^amoane and steered for Pulo Condore^ 
Thatt nightt wee had Foule weather. 

The nth [June 1637]. Wee were outt of sightt of 

The 12th [June 1637]. Att Nightt wee anchored. 

The i^th [Ju7ie 1637]. Wee saw Pulo Condore^ 
aboutt 10 leagues offe, passing by within 2 leagues off 
some smalle Hands on the starboard side^ 

^ See Illustration No. 24. 
^ See ante, p. 100. 

3 Maina, the Oriental talking starling. See vol. 11. p. 120. The 
bird seen by Mundy was ]pioha.'h\y Eubales javanensis. 

* Mundy 's " Munkies " were macaques (Port, macaco) and the 
variety he saw was probably Macacus nemestrinus. See Fasciculi 
Malay en ses, where one of this species is described with " a very marked 
ruff of almost white hair round its face." The wanderoo [Macacus 
silenus) also has the face encircled by a kind of mane of long hair. 

* The fleet, after hugging the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, 
now sailed direct for Macao, crossing the Gulf of Siam in order to make 
Pulo Condore en route. The usual present course from Singapore 
eastwards is to make Pulo Aor and then cross the Gulf of Siam. 

* Pulo Condore (Mai. Pulo Kundur, Pumpkin Island) the principal 
island of the Pulo Condore group, about 50 miles from the coast of 
Cambodia, in the track of vessels from Singapore to Saigon. Geriiu 
{Ptolemy' s Geography, p. 90 n.) infers that the Chinese name for Pulo 
Condore, Hsiao K'un-lun, denotes that the island was a Dravidian 
(S. Indian) or Malay settlement. 

' The Brothers, two small islands lying about 40 miles east of the 
coast of Cochin China and about 24 miles from Pulo Condore. 


The i^th [June 1637]. Our Men said the}^ saw the 
land of Camboia and Champa 1. 

A Juncke of Japaneses. 
The 16th [June 1637]. Wee spake with a Juncke of 
Japans, which came From Camboia, bound For Cau- 
chinchina^ where the said Japans Dweltt, beeing 
Christians, and aboutt 6 yeares since were forced to For- 
sake their Country and com into these parts : The 
Emperour of Japan enraged against Christians, compelling 
them either to Fly, turne or Dye 3. 

^ Cambodia, Champa and Cochin China, together with Annam 
and Tongking, form nowadays the French territory of the Far East, 
L'Extreme Orient. But the political situation was quite different 
in Mundy's time. The once great and ancient Hindu and Buddhist 
Khmer (Mon race) Kingdom of Cambodia (Kambuja), whose kings 
were the builders, at Angkor, of the finest structures in the Far East, 
ceased to be of general importance after the destruction of that place 
in 1385 by the Siamese Shans of Ayuthia. By Mundy's day it had 
become the scene of a long and varying struggle between the Siamese 
Shans of Ayuthia and the Annamese Nguyens of Hue supporting 
rival claimants to the throne of Cambodia at Pnompenh, the new 
capital of the Khmers. This lasted till 1846 when the Siamese ousted 
the Annamese and set up their own vassal claimant, having in the 
interval absorbed the Khmers. 

Champa, an almost equally ancient and prominent Hindu and Bud- 
dhist kingdom of the Chams (also a Mon race), with much older im- 
portant structures at Panrang (Panduranga) and elsewhere than those 
of the Khmers at Angkor, was absorbed by the Annamese (Chinese 
Giaos, Giaochl, called also Nguyens, Ngwins) of the Second Le 
Dynasty in 1470, after a practically continuous struggle of about 
500 years. But the name stuck to their country long afterwards 
and the Chams had " chiefs " till 1820. 

2 Cochin China (in Chinese, Cheng Chin and Ko Cheng Chin; in 
Malay, Kuchi, whence Port. Cochin) as a geographical expression has 
meant the whole coast and has been restricted to modern Cochin-China 
and Annam, and lastly to the area in the south now called by the 
French Cochin Chine, with its capital at Saigon. It includes Champa. 

The French came originally into the Far East as a result of the 
struggle of two important families ruling in the name of the Second 
Le Dynasty (Annamese), the Nguyens of Hue (Annam) and the Trinhs 
of Hanoi (Tongking). This began in 1551. In 1787 Nguyen Gialong 
called in the aid of the French (Louis XVI.), and with their assistance 
became Emperor (Vua) of Tongking, Annam and Cochin China in 
1801. To this Empire, together with Cambodia, in due course the 
French succeeded by 1867. 

^ The first attempts to introduce Christianity into Cochin China 
were in 1583 and 1595, and by 1613 Spanish and Portuguese Jesuit 
and Franciscan missionaries were active there. The persecution of 
Christians in Japan began much earlier than Mundy's date for it, 
1630. In 1596 seven Franciscan monks were executed at Nagasaki. 


Dutch vessels lying in wait for Portugalls 
and bound for Tywan. 

The ijth [June 1637]. There came uppe with us a 
Dutch vessell come From Battavia And bound for Tywan, 
a place of theires on Isla Fermosa^ on the Coast of 
Chincheo in China 2. Shee kept company with us ^ Day 
and then stood in to the shoare to awaite For Portugalls 
thatt com this way bound For China. Shee had a consortt 
nott farre offe. 

La Varella : a very high rocke or stone. 

The 18th Jtme [1637]. Wee past by la Varella ^ 
which is an exceeding high rocke or stone, even and 

In 161 8 Richard Cocks saw a boat load of " banished Christians " 
from Kokura going to Nagasaki ; in 1620 he notes the destruction 
of churches and monasteries there ; and in 1622 he records a massacre 
of priests and of Christian Japanese. See Danvers, Portuguese in 
India, 11. 94 ; Diary of Richard Cocks, ed. Maunde Thompson, 11. 67, 
315, 334 ; Recit de la persecution des Chrestiens du Japon in Voyages 
de Thevenot, vol. i. pt. 2, pp. 34 — -48 ; see also Mandelslo, pp. 154 — -155 
for " Diabolical inventions to put Christians to death " in Japan, 

The Japanese Christians referred to by Mundy no doubt made for 
Cochin China because of their expectation of meeting co-religionists, 
and because of the long establishment of Islam there (from about 
1300) and the fact that many of the Chams were Muhammadans. 

^ Tai-wan (The Terraced Harbour) or Formosa, called Ilha For- 
mosa (Beautiful Isle) by the Portuguese. The Dutch occupied a 
large part of the island from 1624 till 1662 when they were expelled by 
the Chinese. The old Dutch fort (Zelandria) at Tai-wan-fu still exists 

^ Mundy is using the European term current in his day for the 
Chinese Province of Fuhkien, off the coast of which, as he says, lies 
the island of Formosa. The term Chincheo grew out of the name 
of a port in Fuhkien in the Formosa Channel, well known to mediaeval 
and early English travellers, and is now variously identified with Chwan- 
chau-fu (Fr. Thisiouan-cheou-fou, Chinchew, Chincheo), the Zayton of 
Marco Polo, and Chang-chau-fu which is some 140 miles distant. 

^ Cape Varella (Mui Nai, Pagoda Cape), lat. 12° 55' N. and long. 
109° 26' E., so called because on the top of the hill behind it is a large 
perpendicular rock resembling a chimney, which the native mariners 
mistook for a pagoda. Montanus, Atlas Chinensis, p. 63, says, " Cabo 
Avarelles being a verj^ high mountain, appears a great distance off 
like a Man on Horse-back, and serves for a Beacon." In the Log of 
the Carolina [Marine Records, vol. Lxxviii.), under date 31st May 1683, 
" Cape Averella " is described as " a hye land that have a rock a little 
within, yet is one the hye land. This rock is lyke a light house and 
is verie remarkable," and in the Log of the Oley {op. cit., vol. 704A), 
under date 2nd March 1707, " Cape Avarello " is said to be " very 
remarkable Land, having a high rock on the top makeing like a Staple." 


straightt, resembling a tower, standing Near the toppe of 
a high Mountaine by the sea side, allmost such another 
as wee saw by Shehana [Siwana] comming with a Caphila 
[kaflla, caravan] From Agra as in the forepart of this 
booked The figure of it is thus^ : 

This Varella Divides Champa From Cauchin-China, 
2 kingdomes att variance aboutt itt each striving to 
have it added to his Dominion ^ It may bee aboutt 
10 or 12 yeards high : one of Natures Wonders. Itt is 
much reverenced by the Chineses and Japones who 
performe certaine superstitious Duties unto itt as they 
passe this way with their vessells The Coast of Champa 
very hilly, barren, rocky and sandy, abounding (by 
report) with wild beasts, as Elephantts, Rinocerosses, 
Tygers etts. The Coast of Cochinchina better to see 
to, beeing low and levell. 

The Hand and gulffe of Aynaon. 

The 22th [Jime 1637]. Wee saw the Hand of Aynaon 
[Hainan]. Beetweene this and Pulo Caetaon lieth a 
greatt inlett or gulffe called [blank*], And beetweene 
Pulo Caetaon and Sanchean [St John I. or San Shan] 
by Macao is accompted the gulffe of Aynaon, somtimes 
Daungerous For greatt Seas, Currantts, Foule wether, etts. 


The 2^d [June 1637]. Wee were thwart off Tympaon 
where Captain Carter in the Unicorne was cast away, as 
aff orementioned \ 

' See vol. II. p. 252. 2 See Illustration No. 25. 

' Mundy's history is here accurate. See note^, p. 154. 

* Mundy's Pulo Caetaon is Kulao Rai (Kulai Rai, Bi-oken Face) 
or Pulo Canton, an island off the coast of Cochin China (Annam). 
In the Log of the Rising Sun {Marine Records, vol. clii.), under date 
nth December 1701, Pulo Canton appears as PuUo Cattao. " This 
PuUo Cattao are 2 little Islands and pretty high out of the W^ater ; 
they lye within 4 or 5 Miles of the Coast of Cutchin China." 

* Tympaon represents Tihen-pien, the first considerable town in 
China north of Hainan. For the wreck of the Unicorn, see ante, p. 141. 

No. 3 

Mundy's Route from Pulo Condore to Macao and 
vice versa, 1637-1638. 


Spawne off fishes. 

The 24th [June 1637] ^.s allsoe yesterday, wee saw 
in the Sea Many greatt yellowish spottes, our shippe 
passing through some of them, they beeing only spawne 
of Fish, butt of whatt sort wee could nott tell^ 

The Hand of Sanchoan where Francisco Xavier died 
and was buried. 

The 2^th [June 1637]. In the Morning wee saw the 
Hand of Sanchoan, Pulo Babee and others ^ In the 
said Hand of Sanchoan Died Fran[c]isco Xavier, and 
there buried. From thence afterward removed to Goa.* 
This was beef ore Macao was founded*. For the Portu- 
galles att the beeginning of their trade had only boothes 
and straw houses (I take it in the place where now 
Macao stands), which they sett uppe at the tyme of their 
arrivall to the Mart and att their Departure sett fire 
of them as wee use to doe with our bazar on Swally 
Sands in Indian 

^ Mundy seems to be describing some species of jelly-fish. Osbeck 
also {Voyage to China, 1751, i. 176) saw, when nearing the Chinese 
coast, " a lump of narrow, smooth, round water-coloured worms, 
which hung together without any order, and seemed to be a torn 

^ San Shan or the Three Hills, also called Shang-ch'uan, Upper 
Streams. The Portuguese rendered the name as Sancian and the 
English as St John. 

iVIundy's " Pulo Babee " (Hog Island) was the Malay name for 
Haucheun or False St John. It appears as " Pulo Baby " m the Logs 
of the Macclesfield and Kent in 1701 and 1707 {Marine Records, vols. 
CLXV., 317A), and in Dunn's East India Directory (ed. 1780, p. 401), 
we find the name still persisting : — " Those who are bound to Macao, 
must get sight of the Island Sanciam (or St John), or Pulo Outchou 
[Haucheun] (or Pulo Baby), whose south point is in latitude 21° 30' N." 

^ See ante, note '', p. 60. 

* The Portuguese occupied Macao in 1557 and were permitted to 
erect factories there. For a discussion of the methods by which they 
obtained a footing, see De Jesus, Historic Macao, pp. 20 — -26. 

^ See vol. 33, p. 312. Here is a marginal note, " The manner of the 
Portugalls First trading." 


The 26th [June 1637]. Wee passed by other Hands, 
as Veados, esmeroos^ etts. 

Anchored 3 leagues short of Macao : Warning 
to proceed no Farther. 

The 2j[th June 1637]. Wee came by a small Hand 
called Mont on de Trigo^, and passing in among other 
Hands, wee came to anchor some 3 leagues shortt of 
Macao, and saluted the place with our Ordnance. Within 
a while came a boate unto us, warning us to proceed 
no farther till wee had order From the General! of the 

^ The identification I propose of Mundy's " Veados " rests on the 
following statements. The " lies Vyades " appear in the badly 
drawn map at the beginning of Neuhoff's Embassy to China, 1655. 
In Hamilton's map of the Sea Coasts of China (11. fcg. 119) " I. Viados " 
is marked between " St Juan " and Macao, and he says, when describing 
his visit to Canton in 1703 (p. 219), " We . . . anchored near some 
Islands called Les Ilhos de Viados by the Portuguese . . . the Maccao 
Islands . . . were about 15 Leagues from us." Again, in the Log of 
the Kent off Macao, under date 27th August 1707 {Marine Records, 
vol. 317A), the " S.most land " as the vessel entered Taipa Anchorage 
was " the point of great Viada." Also in the Log of the Howland, 
under date 27th July 171 1 {Marine Records, vol. 696c), " As we run 
in with the land, Mountania [Montanha] now bears NNW and the 
Villados from WSW to NWbN ; 5 or 6 of them is now in Sight." 
Lastly, Dunn {East India Directory, ed. 1780, p. 410) says: "On 
the approach of a gale of wind, if I could not gain Cabretta Bay 
[Taipa Anchorage] before night, and was the length of the Viados, 
or any islands west of Colong [Kaulan], I would anchor within 
them . ' ' 

The above statements show that a group of islands between St 
John (San Shan) and Kaulan were known to the old travellers as the 
Viades, the largest being Great Viados. The group cannot have 
included the islands of Waikaup and Liuchiu which are both close to 
St John. East of 'these and west of Kaulan lie Taikam, Kukok and 
Taimong, with other smaller islands in their neighbourhood, and it 
is to this group that the Portuguese name Viades must have been 
applied. Kukok and Taimong islands probably represent Mundy's 
" Veados and Esmeroos," though it is impossible to state with cer- 
tainty which of the several islands are thus indicated. 

- Mundy's Monton de Trigo represents Wung-kum or Montanha 
Island, forming the east side of the entrance to the Broadway, the chief 
entrance of the Chu Kiang (Si-kiang or Canton) River. The island 
was known to English mariners as Mount Trego three quarters of a 
century later than Mundy's time, and it appears under that name in 
the Log of the Oley {Marine Records, vol. 704A) under date 26th 
February 1707. 


Our landing ashore in Macao : and Delivery 
of our Kings letter. 
The 28th June 1637. Mr John Mountney, Mr Thomas 
Robinson and my selffe were sent ashoare in the barge 
with our Kings Majesties lettre and our Admiralls to the 
Captaine Generall of Macao ^ They were receaved with 
much respectt and an Answear promised the Next Day^. 

Copy of the King of England's Letter », 20th February 

1635 [1636] {Lisbon Transcripts, Books of 

the Monsoons, Book 41, fol. 200). 

Charles by the grace of God King of England, 
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the 
Faith, &c. I and you, the benevolent Governor 
of Macau, Captain of the fortress of my brother 
the King of Spain, were advised by letters from my 
brother the King of Spain and his Viceroy and 
Council of State of India of the special friendship 

^ For copies of these letters and replies from the Portuguese, see infra. 

^ The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine 
Records, vol. LXiii.) state that the " Captaine Generall," Domingos 
da Camara, was " a Mulatta of a most perverse and pevish Condition, 
reported to have bin a Tinker." They further remark that the envoys, 
" Being Come under a Forte att the mouth off the harbour, they were 
detayned till newes was Carryed up to the towne. And after 3 or 4 
howres Expectance were sent for upp, and being brought into the 
Genneralls hall where his Councell were assembled, Thomas Robinson 
delivered his Majesties letter, and soe they were instantly dismissed, 
being told that the next day they might Expect an answeare abourd." 

I have found no confirmation of the disparaging remarks regarding 
the ancestry of Domingos da Camara de Noronha, who had recently 
succeeded Manoel da Camara de Noronha as Captain General. Do- 
mingos was appointed by the Viceroy in 1636 and appears to have left 
Goa early in that year, but the vessel in which he sailed went ashore 
at Manila, whence the Spanish Governor sent him on to Macao in a 
" Galliot " {galeota, small galley). See Lisbon Transcripts, Books 
of the Monsoons, Translations, vols. ix. and xi.. Letters of the Viceroy 
to the King of 8th March 1636 and 31st August 1638 N.S. 

^ No copies of the correspondence between Courteen's merchants 
and the Portuguese and Chinese authorities at Macao and Canton 
have been discovered among the English records. Those given here 
and in Relations xxv. and xxvi., as well as those in Relations xxi. and 
XXII., are taken from transcripts (made for the India Office) of Portu- 
guese Records in the Lisbon Archives, which have been translated 
by Miss Leonora de Alberti for the purposes of this volume. The 
documents are entitled " Books of the Monsoons, Documents trans- 
mitted from India." 


and treaty which had been concluded between us. 
For this reason, approving thereof, in sign of our 
royal will, we have dispatched our officials and 
captains, John Betel [Weddell] and Nathaniel 
Montine}^ [Mountney], bearing our royal letters, 
with the ships Dragon, Sun, Catherine, Planter 
[and pinnace] Ann, which sail with our special order 
and command to show that we accept and abide 
by the treaties concluded by both parties [as 
regards] the commerce with Portugal and all other 
places and ports under our rule. We desire that 
this order be kept by the officials on our side, 
license being given them under your authority to 
trade openly and freely ; and [we desire] all that 
is necessary for their equipment and voyages, both 
outward and homeward shall be given them, if asked 
for by them. Thus shall we be bound in eternal 
friendship with the officials and our brother the 
King of Spain, both in commerce as in all other 
matters within our lands and dominions, &c. 

Given in our Palace at Whitehall, 20th February 
1635 [1636] in the eleventh year of our reign. 
Agrees with the original. 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

Copy of the first letter written by the English to the 

Captain General, Domingos da Camara {Lisbon 

Transcripts, op. cit., fol. 199). 

Your Excellency is well aware that thirty 
months have elapsed since his Excellency the 
President of Surrate [Surat], with the members -of 
his Council, went to Goa at the invitation of his 
Excellency the Count de Linhares, to conclude the 
Treaty of Peace between the EngHsh and Portu- 
guese nationss at which time I was present at the 

1 President William Methwold in the Jonas, under Captain John 
Weddell, accompanied by three other of the East India Company's 
ships, reached Goa in January 1635 and concluded an agreement 
with the Viceroy, Miguel de Noronha, Conde de Linhares. This agree- 
ment put an end to hostilities between the English and Portuguese 
in the East and quenched the feud which had continued for more than 
thirty-six years. See Foster, English Factories, 1634 — 1637, pp. viii — x. 

No. 4 

Wung-Kum or Montanha q5> 
(Uonton de Trigol 




""f /s. 





]^t(alpong Is. 


Macao and the Canton River, 1637 


Council of Goa, and left that harbour for England, 
as Commander-in-Chief 1 to bear to the King my 
Lord, his Excellency the Count's letter, and news 
of the friendship established. The King, my Master, 
greatly rejoiced that peace had been concluded, 
and desires to be at peace with the Portuguese 
rulers. In witness of the truth thereof, he sent 
me back to India with a reply to his Excellency's 
letters, and with all the munitions of war and ships' 
stores which his Excellency desired. In Goa we 
were very well received by all the authorities. We 
delivered to the Comptroller of the Exchequer the 
munitions and stores, and we have receipts thereof. 
We also bought and sold freely. We went to 
Cananor, Cochim and Malacca, where we were 
received with great courtesy and kindness. 

Having now reached your Excellency's port, 
we are confident that we shall receive here many 
more favours, being bearers of a letter to your 
Excellency from the King, my Master, which the 
bearer of this carries with him. We are at anchor 
in the island of Castro^, in accordance with your 
Excellency's order. We shall await here your 
Excellency's answer to my Master's letter, and are 
at your Excellency's orders, whose reply I await, 
as also your Excellency's instructions how I am to 
act. I am in good health and trust that your 
Excellency enjoys the same, and offer my self as 
your servant, God keep you many years &c. 
Your Excellency's servant, 

John Wed[d]ell. 
Island of Castro, 
yth Jvily 1637. 

Agrees with the original 

Domingos de Figueiredo. 

1 Weddell in the Jonas, with Nathaniel Mountney, sailed from Goa 
after the negotiations were concluded, and reached England in August 


^ Castro Island may have been the current Portuguese name for 
Koho Island at the eastern entrance to the ordinary anchorage at Taipa 
for ships going into Macao. It appears in early logs as " Cuwho, 
Cowow." See the Log of the Carolina, under date 10 July 1683, 
and the Log of the Kent under dates 27 and 31 August 1707 {Marine 
Records, vols, lxxviii. and 317A). 



The Jesuitts Collidge, as allsoe of the roffe of 
St Paules Church. 

From the Generalls house wee were conducted to the 
Jesuitts ColUdgei (having broughtt 2 of them passengers 
From Mallacca)^, where they made us a Collation or 
Banquett off sweet Meats, Fruit, etts. Among the rest 
a Fruitt Named Leicheea', as bigge as a Wallnutt, 
ruddy browne and Crusty, the skynne like to thatt 
of the Raspis [raspberry] or Mulberry, butt hard, which 
Doath easily and cleanly come offe, having within a 
Cleare white (somwhatt) hard palpy* substance, in fast 
like to those Muscadine grapes thatt are in Spaine in 
some Country houses aboutt their Courtts etts. They 
are nott offensive to the stomacke, allthough a man 
eat many of them, and now hard to bee gotte, the season 
going outt. It is said they are proper only to this 
Kingdome of China, And to speake my owne Mynde, 
it is the prettiest and pleasauntest Fruit thatt ever I 
saw or tasted. There is another sort like them butt 
they have another Name and may bee compared allmost 
as Crabbes are to gardein apples ^ The rooffe of the 
Church aperteyning to the Collidge (called St Paules) 
is of the fairest Arche that yett I ever saw to my remem- 
brance, of excellentt worckemanshippe, Don by the 

1 The Church of St Paul, the seat of the Jesuit College at Macao, 
completed in 1602, was burnt down in January 1835, the fa9ade alone 
escaping destruction. 

2 See ante, note - on p. 144. 

8 See Illustration No. 26. Here is a marginal note, " Leicheea : 
a fruit Commended." The Li-chi {Nephelium Lit-chi), a native of 
S. China, is noted by Neuhoff in 1655. He says {Dutch Embassy to China, 
p. 263), " the Portuguese at Macao call it Lichas." Dampier, who 
saw it at Tonquin in 1688, describes it (11. 23, 24) as " a delicate fruit." 
See also Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Leechec. 

* An unusual spelling for " pulpy." There is no example of this 
form in the O.E.D. 

5 The inferior li chi is the Lungan or Longans [Nephelium longana 
or Euphoria longana), lung-yen, dragon's eye (Cantonese Imig-ngnn. the 
Imperial glance). The fruit is smaller and not so palatable when 
raw as the Nephelium Lit-chi, but it is harder. 


Chinois^ Carved in wood, curiously guilt and painted 
with exquisite collours, as vermillion, azure, etts., 
Devided into squares, and att the Joyning of each square 
greatt roses of Many Folds or leaves one under another, 
lessning till all end in a Knobbe ; neare a yard Diameter 
the broadest, and a yard perpendiculer to the Knobbe 
standing From the roffe Downeward. Allsoe there is 
a New Faire Frontispice to the said Church with a 
spacious ascent to it by many steppes ; the 2 last things 
mentioned of he wen stone^. 

Jesuitts calling themselves Paulists and 


As the Church is Named St Paules, soe Doe they 

stile themselves Paulists ^ as Paules Disciples in imitating 

or Following him in his Function, For as hee was Cheiffe 

in conversion of the gentiles in those Dales, Soe Doe 

^ In the 17th century natives of China were designated by Euro* 
peans as Chinois and Chineses. Mundy employs both terms. St 
Paul's was, however, the work of Japanese Christians. See De Jesus, 
Historic Macao, p. 49. 

- Pdre Alexandre de Rhodes, who spent 13 years (between 1623 
and 1645) at Macao, says that the Jesuit College could bear comparison 
with the finest in Europe and the Church was the most magnificent 
that he had seen, with the exception of St Peter's at Rome {Voyages 
et Missions, ed. 1884, p. 56). Ljungstedt, Portuguese Settlements in 
China, pp. 17 — 18, has the following description of St Paul's at Macao. 
" The noble building commonly designated by the name of St Paul . . . 
was erected in 1602 as expressed by Virgini Magnae Matri Ci vitas 
Macaensis Lubens Posuit an. 1602 — an inscription engraved on a 
stone fixed in the western corner of the edifice. The old church was 
consecrated to our Lady, the mother of God " nosse Senhora da madre 
de Deos," and so is the modem. The frontispiece, all of granite, 
is particularly beautiful. The ingenious artist has contrived to enliven 
Grecian architecture by devotional objects. In the middle of the ten 
pillars of Ionic order, there are three doors, leading to the temple ; 
then range ten pillars of Corinthian order, which constitute five separate 
niches. In the middle one, above the principal door, we perceive a 
female figure, trampling on the globe, the emblem of human patriotism, 
and underneath we read Mater Dei. On each side of the Queen of 
Heaven, in distinct places, are four statues of Jesuit saints. In the 
superior division, St Paul is represented, and also a Dove, the emblem of 
the Holy Ghost." See also, for further details, the description of Mont- 
alto de Jesus, Historic Macao, pp. 49 — 50. 

^ The earhest instance of this word in the O.E.D. is 1678, and 
it is there applied to the Jesuits of Goa. 


they attribute thatt office More peculier to themselves 
in converting the heathen off these tymes. And to 
speake truly, they Neither spare Cost nor labour, 
DilUgence Nor Daunger to attaine their purpose, 

Macao standeth at one end of a greatt Hand built 
on rising hills, some gardeins and trees among their 
houses making a pretty prospecte somwhatt resembling 
Goa, allthough not soe bigge^ ; Their houses double 
tyled, and thatt plaistred over againe, for prevention 
of Hurracanes or violentt wyndes thatt happen some 
Yeares, called by the Chinois Tuffaones^. which is allso 
the reason (as they say) they build no high towers Nor 
steeples to their Churches. 

Hands aboutt Macao. 
Beeffore Macao are many Hands, some greater some 
lesse some inhabited, most part nott ; high uneven 
land, no trees, much grasse and plenty of water springs ; 
very stony, many great ones such as wee have in some 
part off the Westcountry, called Moorestones^ ; Many 
China vessells passing to and Fro, none coming near us 
except the aforementioned Watche [guard] boates* or 
some other with the Governours leave. 

1 See Illustration No. 27. Macao, Cantonese, O-mun (Mandarin, 
O-men), gate of the bay, called by the Portuguese Macau. For a 
fanciful derivation, see De Jesus, Historic Macao, pp. 26 — 28. 

Macao is situated on a tongue of land 2^ miles long by less than 
a mile broad, running S.S.W. from the island of Hsiang Shang (Port. 
Anv'am) on the west side of the estuary of the Canton River. See 
Neuhoff, p. 31 and Montanus, pp. 531 — 532 for contemporary des- 

2 Typhoon, Ar. tfipln, Port, tiifdo, a cyclone, violent storm. Some 
Chinese scholars, however, still ascribe a Chinese origin to the term 
through Cantonese tdi-fung, a gale, lit., tdi, great, and fung, wind. 
Vide Encyclopcedia Sinica, 191 7, s.v. Typhoon. It is possible that the 
form and sound " typhoon " for ifif/ln arose out of iiH-fung. 

^ See vol. II. pp. 246, 248, for previous references to moorstone, 
a kind of granite peculiar to Cornwall. 

■* Mundy has not previously mentioned these guard boats. He 
alludes to them later on in his entry for the 30th June. 


No. 27. Macao. 

No. 28. A Chinaman eating with Chopstickes. 


A Fleete appointed For Japan. 
Within were 6 vessells bound For Japan and expected 
the Caphila [kdfila, caravan] off goodes From Cantan, the 
Cheife Citty of this province called allsoe by the same 
Name, some 30 leagues uppe, to which they goe by water 
in a greatt River thatt passeth by the Citty. 

A Caphila Deteyned and why. 

The said Caphila is said to bee Embargued or Deteyned 
For a great Summe of Mony which the Chinois Demaund 
of the Portugall For building a vessell bigger then they 
had leave or warrantt For. On Divers other occasiones 
they Devise waies and Meanes to extort Monies From 
them, as For killing, wronguing or abusing a Chinaman 1, 
there beeing a greatt Many that live together in the 
towne with them and nere aboutt them, having a 
Mandareene^ or Judge of their owne to Decide their 
Differences ^ 

Copy of the reply to the King of England's letter, 
8th July 1637 [N.S.-=28th June O.S.]. 

[Lisbon Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Book 41, 
fol. 20t). 

I received your Majesty's letter dated the 20th 
February 1635 [1636], and with it such favour and 

1 The Portuguese at Macao at this period were always in conflict 
with the Chinese authorities in Canton, who from time to time levied 
on them such arbitrary taxes and restrictions as they were able to 
enforce. These necessarily and constantly varied. The measurement 
of ships and the building of houses were amongst the points in dispute, 
an unsatisfactory state of affairs which continued till 1699 (Kang-he 
37th year) when the dues on ships were regularised by Imperial Edict. 
See Ljungstedt, Portuguese Settlements in China, pp. 79 — 80, 87. 

* Mandarin, a Counsellor, Minister of State, Government oflBicial ; 
Skr. mantri, Hindi mantrl, Port, mandarim, transferred from India to 
China by Europeans. It is not a Far Eastern word. 

3 A Mandarin resided among the Chinese at Macao and decided 
questions between Christians and Chinese. In 1587 Philip I. of 
Portugal instructed the Portuguese magistrate not to interfere with 
the jurisdiction of the Mandarin at Macao. See Ljungstedt, p. 79. 


honour as your greatness confers on all. I under- 
stand by it that your Majesty accepts the treaties 
concluded in Goa, and as to the prosperous and 
speedy voyages of the ships of your kingdom, your 
Majesty should have been advised thereof before 
the King, my Lord. The delay has been caused 
by the lateness of the ships from Portugal which 
have been driven in [out of their course]. For the 
same reason I am still without news from the Vice- 
roy of India as to whether the said treaty has been 
received in Spain. But seeing the weighty obligation 
which lies upon a vassal to perform the orders of 
his superiors, I will employ in your Majesty's 
services such measures as lie within my jurisdiction, 
both in assisting your Majesty's fleet, and preserving 
fresh spirit to execute with greater punctuality such 
new orders as I may in future receive. 

God keep your Majesty for long and happy 

Macau, 8th July 1637. 

Agrees with the original, 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

Copy of a letter addressed to the Commander of the 
Enghsh Fleet, 8th July 1637 [N.S.=28th June O.S.] 

{Lisbon Transcripts, op. cit., loc. cit.). 

I have considered all that your Worship tells 
me in your letter, and there are reasons enough why 
I should use every possible means to serve your 
Worship as you deserve, and would that my power 
to serve you were equal to m}^ desire to do so ; 
but besides my limited power, the orders from my 
superiors are lacking, both those of my Lord the 
King and of the Lord Viceroy of India. And as 
such as I have received do not treat of your Worship's 
coming, nor of any matter relating to you, I have no 
excuse for acting upon my own desire, the more 
so as your Worship has been in Goa for three months, 
where this matter might have been settled, enabling 
us to serve your Worship with good will. For 


when the ship London came to this ports it carried 
a Portuguese factor and brought definite orders from 
his Excellency the Count de Linhares^, to take from 
hence artillery and other cargoes for private persons ; 
and although this was done with all the requisite 
orders and license, it caused great damage to this 
city and to its preservation with respect to the 
Chinese, who are so jealous of other nations having 
the right to come to these parts, and who on this 
account occasioned great losses to the inhabitants 
of this land, for this city greatly depends on them, 
being situated in their country. But if the fleet is 
in urgent need of anything in the town which lies 
within my power to supply, I am ready to furnish it.' 
God keep your Worship. 


Macau, 8th July 1637. 
Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

The Procurador of Macao* visits Courteen's fleet. 

(Extract from the Continuation of the China Voyage, 
Marine Records, vol. lxiii.). 

28 June 1637. There repaired abourd the shipps the 
Procurador of the Citty, accompanied with some other 

1 The first English venture to China was made in 1635 and was a 
consequence of the truce with the Portuguese concluded in January 
of that year (see ante, note on p. 160). The London sailed from Goa 
to Macao in April and returned in the following January. Henry 
Bornford, the merchant in charge of the cargo, wrote an account of 
the expedition {O.C. 1560) which is abstracted by Mr Foster in English 
Factories, 1634 — -1636, pp. 226 — 228. 

^ Miguel de Noronha, Conde de Linhares, who had left Goa before the 
arrival of Courteen's fleet. See Relation xxi., p. 46. 

3 Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that the Governor in his answer stated 
that some of the Portuguese were " willinge to trade with us, and others 
were not willinge, but gave us faire promises that as soone as their 
fleet was gone to Japan, wee should have anie thing the Cittie aforded." 
Weddell seems to be confusing the written reply of the Captain-General 
with the personal visit and discourse of the Procurador on the 28th 
June, an account of which is given below. 

* The Procurador was the chief Portuguese civil officer at Macao. 
Hamilton, who was there in 1703 says (11. 217), " The Forts [of Macao] 
are governed by a Captain-general, and the City by a Burgher called 
the Procuradore, but, in Reality, both are governed by a Chinese 
Mandereen, who resides about a League out of the City at a place 
called Casa Branca." 


heads (as well as of his owne Tribe), as Hoggs and 
Oxen for a present. This Filho de Rua Nova ^ 
wanted not a tounge answerable to his head, and 
began to unfould a tedious lamentable discourse, as 
false as prolix, of their miserable subjection to the 
Chineses, which would be now (as he pretended) be 
much more by our 4 shipps arrivall, they haveinge 
had Experience by the shipp Londons only being 
there, which cost them a great fyne. Hee said wee 
knew not the good they intended us (and wee 
beleived it), but there were two mayne obstacles 
which hindred them from Expressinge it, vizt., the 
non Consent of the Chineses (which was meerely 
f alee) 2 and the slender quantitie of goods which 
they might Expecte this yeare from Canton for 
Japon, if any thing at all arrived, and this through 
our comeinge to their Porte (as true as the former). 
But the mayne Excuse was that wee brought no 
letters recommendatory from the old Vice Roy of 
Goa [el Conde de Linhares] which would have done 
us as much good as nothing. In conclusion, he 
told us that matter of refreshinge, if wee came neerer 
(which wee did), he would provide for us. And 
this he verry worshipfully and hke a true Hebrew 
indeed performed, att 2 and 3 tymes the vallew on 
shore, and to the End that none might cheate us but 

^ This expression, may be said to bear two renderings, of which 
the first is the more probable : — (i) A low class (fiia) convert (nova, 
lit. new Christian, in contradistinction to the Portuguese of pure blood 
who styled themselves old Christians). Weddell's merchants describe 
the Procurador as a Jew, probably in reference to his grasping demands, 
though he may perhaps have been the son of a Jewish convert. Rudo, 
subs., means a townsman and figuratively a man of the people. (2) 
An inhabitant of Rua Nova, the Cheapside of Lisbon in the 17th 
century. Vide the Journal of Thos. Fisher, 1661 {Sloane MS. 505 : — 
"11 August. Wee went ... to Rua Nova (the cheife street of the 
Citty and Exchange) ... 28 August. Went ashoare and bought 
some sweet meats a[t] Rua Nuova, with a great deale of bastard 
China ware." I am indebted to Miss Leonora de Alberti for the 
first suggestion and to Mr Hubert Reade for the second. 

For further details of the interview with the Portuguese officials, 
see the letter of 19th December 1637, Courteen Papers, Appendix D. 

^ Bornford, in recounting the result of the expedition of the London 
to Macao, also declared that the alleged aversion of the Chinese to 
trade with Europeans was exaggerated by the Portuguese. See 
English Factories, 1634 — 1636, p. 227. 

No. 5 


^siang Shan9 

o::^>c^ ^/■oaa'M'ay 



Nine It. 

Macao and the Taipa Anchorage, 1637. 


himself e, there was a stricte watch of Boates placed 
about each shipp, not permittinge soe much as a 
poore Fisherman to supply us with the vallew 
of 6(i ; and soe it Continued duringe our abood in 
the roade. 

A present of reffreshing. 

The 2(^th of June [1637J. The Citty sentt our 
A.dmirall etts. a presentt of refreshing, viz., 8 beeves, 
8 Hogges, 8 Jarres sweet Meates, 8 bagges bread, with 
a proportion of Fruite. 

Straunge plowing questioned. 

The 30th [June 1637]. Wee wentt Farther in and 
rode over against the towne, butt Near a league Distantt, 
in a faire bay called Enseada de Don Juan ^ ; and as wee 
came wee had a Foote, sometymes 2, lesse water then our 
shippe Drew, as wee Found by the lead as allsoe by the 
foule thick Muddy water which shee made in her wake, 
soe that shee plowed outt 3 or 4 Mile of her way with her 
Keele, and yett no hurt or Daunger, by reason of the 
thicknesse and softnesse of the oaze^. For shippes here 

1 There seems no doubt that Mundy's " Enseada [Bay] de Don 
Juan " is the modern Taipa Anchorage, which appears as Tempo 
Ceberearo (1683), Tipa Quibrado (1707), Tibo Caberata (1718), Qua- 
brada Bay (1727), Cabritta Bay (1728), Tupa Queberado (1731)- 
See Logs of the Carolina, Kent, Townshend, Prince Augustus, Sunder- 
land and Macclesfield {Marine Records, vols, lxxviii., 317A, 660A, 
665B, 675c and 669c). In Mundy's day, however, and for half a 
century later, the islands at the entrance of the bay were known as 
Don John or St Juan. In the Log of the Hinde, off Macao, under date 
12th August 1644 {Marine Records, vol. lxvi.) there is an entry, " Wee 
went beetweene the Hands of Don John ... in to the bay," and in 
the Log of the Compton, under date 20th June 1732, also off Macao 
{Marine Records, vol. 666c), we find, " Saw an Island . . . which I 
take to be the Little Island as lyes in the Bay of the Island of St Juan 
. . . the Island of St Juan NW and the Small Island as we first saw 

^ The Oley had a similar experience on the 26th February 1707 
{Marine Records, vol. 704A) : " At one p.m. weighed [from Macao] . . . 
and went out of the western passage . . . depth of water 2 fa. and i 
foot mudey ground, our Ship rising the Mudd after her all the way." 


need not to fear comming on ground, which made us 
the bolder. 

A hidden Daunger escaped. 

Butt wee ran a greater hazard in trending aboutt the 
point att the Comming in of the Ba}^ where Isly a suncken 
rocke Just in our way (which is Dry att low water) ^ 
thatt it was looo to one some of our shippes had not 
struck on it and spoyled themselves. Some were very 
nere it ; some went on the one side, some on the other. 
Butt God bee thancked, wee escaped, Itt beeing steepe 
to. Wee all Anchored in the said bay. 

The Portugalls unwilhng of our Company. 

From the tyme of our comming hither wee had boates 
appointed by the Citty to forbidd all others comming 
Near us 2, as allsoe to see whatt came to and From us, 
they beeing unwilling of our company as wee might 
allready perceave by som passages. 

x\bstracte of the month of June aforegoing 
Anno 1637. 

I. Wee wentt through the old straight [of Singapore]. 
3. Wee passed by Priedra [sic] Branca. From Sincapoor 

hither aboutt 20 leagues. 
6. Anchored in Pulo Tymaon. From Piedra branca 

hither 130 miles. 

17. Spake with a Dutch vessel!. 

18. Wee past by la Varella^ 

^ Pedra Areca rock, visible at low water, four cables S.E. from the 
south point of Macao. It is mentioned in the Log of the Hiiide {Marine 
Records, vol. lxvi.) : " Neere the Hands of Don John there is, asyougoe 
in to the bay, a roke which is dry at low Avater and lyes ^ of way from 
the point of the Hand which you leve the Starbord side goeing in." 

^ See ante, p. 164. 

' See awie, pp. 146, 14S, 151, 155, for notes on the places named in 
the "Abstracte." 


27. Anchored by Macao. 

30. Wee came nearer and Anchored. 

The shippe hath run this Month of June the some of 
Miles 1419 

A Mandareene com aboard. 
1st July Anno 1637. There came A China Man- 
dareene aboard with other Chineses and, as they said, 
to know our intentts and Demaunds thatt accordingly 
they Mightt Certifie their Master who is a greatt 
Mandareene att Cantan. Hee was apparelled in a gowne 
or coate of blacke Sarsanette or tiffany, and under thatt 
other garmentts with strange attire on his head^ Hee 
had carried before him a broad board written with China 
Characters, itt seemes the badge of his Authority and 
Commission ^ The rest were as strangely accoutred. 

A Sword Fish : White porpoises. 
The nth currantt [July 1637]. There was broughtt 
aboard a smalle sword Fish^ : And the Porpoises here 
are as white as Milke, some of them Ruddy withall*. 

1 Sarsenet, sarcenet, " Saracen cloth," a fine soft silk. Tiffany, 
" Epiphany silk," a thin transparent silk. In Letters from Jesuits, 
received in 1555, translated and quoted in Mr Major's Introduction 
to Mendoza, ed. Staunton, p. l, there are the following allusion* to 
the robes and caps of Chinese civil officers : " The people of any 
consequence wear black silk for their dress, because coloured is held 
dishonourable for clothing. . . . The officers wear a kind of cap 
different from other people. ... In these caps they have tufts made 
of horsehair, stuck on every part." 

^ See Montanus, p. 418, for " Hanging Boards, on which the 
Authority and Quality of the Mandarin is written." The " broad 
board" was no doubt one of the p'ai or inscribed boards used by the 
Chinese for many purposes, probably in this case the Kuan-hsien-p' ai 
(Cantonese, Kun-hau-p'ai), official rank board. [Information from 

Mr L. C. Hopkins.] 

^ The Histiophorus sp., common in the Indian and Pacific oceans. 

* The great white porpoise of the estuary of the Canton River 
{Delphinus Chinensis) which Williams {Middle Kingdom, i. 329) says 
is called by the Chinese peh-ki ; Cantonese, pak-ki, white-fin. 

Osbeck also noticed these dolphins in 1751 {Voyage to China, 11. 27) : 
" Snow-white Dolphins . . . tumbled about the ship ; but at a dis- 
tance they seemed in nothing different from the common species, 
except in the white colour." 


The lanteea^ or Caphila arrived From Cantan : Bad 
signes of trade with the Portugalls. 

The I2[th July 1637] came the lanteea or Caphila 
from Cantan, beeing 5 long large lighterlike vessells, 
laden with goods from thatt Citty where the Portugalls 
make yearly investmentts For the lading off their Japan 
Fleete, these now come beeing for the furnishing of the 
6 shippes aforementioned, who are to Depart within 
these few Daies, untill when (if then) wee are not like 
to have any trade in this place : For since our anchoring 
here No men of quallity came aboard, the aforesaid 
Mandareene excepted, who came twice, allsoe a yong 
cavallero, and our Dayly and Nighttly watcheboattes 
who with licence bring us our provision From the Citty, 
and perhappes a fisherman. Many Portugall boates 
that goe on pleasure passe by us or row round aboutt us, 
butt come Not aboard, beeing Forbidden as they say. 
China stuffes, not any to bee broughtt us on paine off 

^ Mundy is confusing the " lanteas " or cargo-boats which carried 
the kufila or caravan with the caravan itself. " Lantea, lantia," 
is one form, current among the old European travellers in the i6th and 
17th centuries, for a river and estuary boat. It is difficult to say 
to which language it properly belongs : vide the following quotations 
from Dictionaries : 

Wilkinson — Malay. Lacerda — Portuguese. 

Lancha (Port, lancha), a light sloop. Lancha, the pinnace or boat of 
Lancharan, a swift ship of war, a a ship [Eng. launch]. 

sort of native cruiser. Lanchada, a load with which a 

Lanchang, a Malay war vessel. pinnace is burdened. 

Lancha o, augm. of lanchea, a 
Crawfurd — Malay. great ship. 

Lanchang, a kind of boat, a barge, a Lanchara, a sort of Indian 
lighter. ship so called. 

Lantea ox lantia (an Asiatic word), 
a bort of vessel or ship. 
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Lanteas, says he cannot give a derivation, 
and quotes Pinto, 1540, for " lanteeas," and Caspar da Cruz (in Pur- 
chas), 1560, for " lanteas." Mendoza, 1588, Hak. Soc, ed. Staunton, 
I. 149, describes the " lantea " as a large oared barge or cargo-boat, 
which is evidently what Mundy means by his " lanteea." Warrington 
Smyth, Mast and Sail, p. 355, describes the modern lancha or lanchang 
of the Malay States as a sailing cargo-boat. 


In these 2 passed Dales Wee carreened all our shippes, 
to make them Cleane, as allsoe to kill the Worme thatt 
consumes them in these seas^ 

The Pinnace Anne sentt to Discover better 
hopes among the Chinois. 

This evening late, the Pinnace Anne Departed towards 
the River of Cantan to seeke For speech and trade with 
the Chineses, beeing Debarred here by the Portugalls. 
In her wentt Captaine Carter, Mr Thomas Robbinson, 
Mr John Mountney and a selected Crew^. 

Reasons of the Portugalls not admitting us 

It is rumoured thatt when the Japan Fleete is gon wee 
shall have pratticke^, thatt voyage beeing the Mayne 
upholding of this place. Soe they considering thatt 
if wee had Free trading here would allsoe trafhcke For 
Japan, and thatt theirby theirs would Decay and soe 
consequently proove their utter undooing makes them 
soe unwilling to Deale with us, or thatt wee should 
have any Commerce att all with others in these parts. 
In soe much thatt wee are nott suffred to com on shoare 
Nor any from thence to us, excepting the Watcheboates 

1 ThQ Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) 
notes : " Here it was necessary (as the place would give leave) to 
survaye the shipps and repayre their defectes betwixt wind and water, 
which was dene with all diligence." The " worme " is the teredo or 
" Ship-worm." 

- From the Continuation of the China Voyage we learn that the 
" selected Crew " numbered 50, that the Anne was accompanied by the 
Dragon's barge and skiff and that her mission was to " discover the 
river of Canton " as well as to report on the prospects of trade with the 
Chinese. An account of the cruise is given after Mundy's diary of 
22nd July. 

' Pratique (It. pratica). In the 17th century this term was used 
for licence to trade as well as for permission for a ship to hold inter- 
course with a port after quarantine. 


A Mandareene From Cantani with others 
com aboard. 

The i^th [July 1637], came 3 Mandareenes or China 
officers From the towne to accompany another which 
came From Cantan, as hee said sent of purpose to bee 
satisfied of the truth of whatt the others writte, and 
having taken the number of our Men [and] Ordnance 
with an estimate of our Monies etts. Cargazone^, they 
Departed. They came in a bigge vessell with a kettle 
Drumme and a broad brasse pan, on both which the[y] 
beatt, keeping tyme together. They had allsoe on 
their vessell certaine Flagges and streamers. 

To Day came a vessell from Maccassar^ beelonguing 
to the Portugalls and entred the towne. 

Three Men buried whereof one unfortunately 

The jyth [July 1637]. Our Caulker was buried, and 
the i8th came a Deadman Floating by the shippe side. 
Hee beelongued to the Sunne, who the i6th currant 
unfortunately fell overboard and was Drowned. By 
report hee was one of their properest Men. They sent 
their boate, carried him ashoare and buried him, and 
this afternoone they buried another Man outt of the 
said shippe. These 3 aforementioned have Died in our 
Fleete since our Coming hither. 

Ill Newes. 
The 22th [July 1637]. In the Morning came a 
Messenger expresse From the Generall of Macao to 

1 Mundy consistently adheres to this spelling of Canton, and 
it is also adopted by Weddell in his account of the expedition {O.C. 

2 Sp. cavgazon, cargo. 

•' The island of Celebes was discovered by the Portuguese c. 15 12, 
and both Portuguese and Dutch had establishments at Macassar, 
on the S.W. of the island, in Mundy's time, but Portuguese influence 
was then already on the wane. 


certifie us thatt certaine Chineses of quallity had sent 
him word how thatt the Pinnace Anne was surprized, 
the men in Irons, the goods landed, the vessell haled 
on shoare, and thatt the towne was allsoe full of the 
same rumour, for the which hee said hee was very sorry. 

The Anne retourned with encouragement of trade 
with the Chinois. 

Butt all prooved falce. For thatt evening shee 
retourned, finding, as they said, good encouragementt 
of trade from the Chineses. There came to them sundry 
officers, and Many of the Kings Men of Warre [junks] came 
aboutt them, and they were told by the Chinois how 
the Portugalls should report us to bee pirattes and thatt 
wee came only to robbe and spoile, bringuing Neither 
Mony nor goodes. 

Account of the cruise of the Pinnace Anne in the 

Canton River {Continuation of the China 

Voyage, Marine Records, vol. LXiii.). 

12 July 1637. The Pinnace Ann . . . sett sayle 
[from Taipa Anchorage] . . . and after 2 dayes 
came in sight of the mouth of the ryver^, beinge a 
verry goodly inlett and utterly prohibited to the 
Portugalls by the Chinessees^, who doe not willingly 
admitt any strangers to the veiw of it, being the 
passage and secure harbour for their best Jounckes 
both of warr and merchandize. So that the 

^ The entrance to the Chu Kiang (Pearl) or Canton River is at the 
well-known Boca Tigris (Tiger's Mouth) between Chuen-pi and Tai- 
kok-tau Islands, and apparently the Anne anchored at the present 
anchorage off Chuen-pi point. 

^ The Portuguese having disregarded the injunctions of the Chinese 
authorities to confine their trading operations to Macao, the port 
of Canton was closed against their shipping in 1631. For a few years 
their commerce was in the hands of an association of Chinese merchants 
who supplied them with goods and received their imports at Macao. 
This arrangement did not work well, and in 1637 a deputation of 
Portuguese went up to Canton and ineffectually attempted to obtain 
permission to resume direct trade with that city. See Ljungstedt, 
Portuguese Settlements in China, p. 83. 


Portugalls traffique to Canton is only in small 
vessells through divers narrow shoald streightes, 
amongst many broken Hands adjoyninge to the 
mayne. To whom it was noe small wonder that 
without any pilott or any the least helpe of an 
Interpreter, our people should penetrate so Farr. 
And indeed it hath caused divers of the best under- 
standinge amongst them to make publique con- 
fession of their owne Errour in refuseinge to affourd 
us reasonable libertie of trade att our first comeinge 
to Maccaw, wherby wee were enforced to this 
attempt, which they prognostically [prognosticate] 
(and wee hope truly) will in a few yeares be the 
mine of their vain glorious pride and ostentation. 
For herby the honest dealinge off our Nation, con- 
trary to their slanderous reports, is apparantly 
manifested and made known, as well to the principall 
Governours of that Province as to the particular 
Merchants and all sorts off people. 

[14] July 1637. Anchoringe here for a winde 
and Tide to Carey them in, a Jouncke off those 
that accustome to fish therabouts was descried early 
in the morninge, [to] whome Thomas Robinson 
in the Barge gave a tedious chase (by reason of her 
many oares), hopeinge to have founde some abourd 
that might have stood them either off a pilott or in- 
terpreter. But findinge neither, haveinge used them 
with all Curtesie and frendly [f riendUness] , dismissed 
them (contrary to their tymerous expectation), he 
returned abourd, and the same night, for the same 
Causes and the same success, spake with another. 

15 July 1637. This morninge beinge still att 
anchor, a small boate made towards them. Not 
being able by reason of the tyde to fetch them upp, 
the Barge was sent to give them a towe, who being 
come abourd, and haveinge sould such small refresh- 
ingh as they had brought, one of them by signes 
made signes to Carry them to Canton and to bring 
them to speech of the Mandarines, which they 
accepted ofs And that night Anchored in the river 

1 Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that the " fisherman agreed to show 
them the way in to the river of Cantan for 5 Rs. [reals of] 8." 


neere unto a Harbour called Lampton^ which is 
a station for their prime men of warr of the Kings 
Armada, as Chattam is in England for his Majesties 

16 July 1637. Beinge Sunday, very Early, 
John Mounteney and Thomas Robinson went ashoare 
in a fayre sandye Baye, nigh unto Certaine Villages, 
carriinge a whitt Flagge in the Barges head, where 
they had not long stayd, but by messengers of the 
Captain of the Kings Joncks, they were invited 
on land, and soe Conducted one certaine Craggie 
hills for the space of a League, unto the goodly 
harbour of Lamp[ton]2 and soe abourd the Jonckes, 
where after many dumb shewes of Curtesie (the one 
party not understanding the other), ours tooke 
leave and came abourd the Anne in one of their 
Boates, accompanied' with divers of their petty 
Manderin[s] and soe that afternoone sett sayle, 
and passed by a certayne desolate Castle 3, anchoringe 
in the Eveninge some 3 leagues upp further in the 

18 July 1637. Beinge under sayle with a fayre 
wynde and tyde, a Flett of about 20 sayles of tall 
Jounckes, comaunded by Champins^ (the Admirall 

^ By " Lampton " harbour seems to be meant what is now known 
as Anson's Bay, between the point of Chuen-pi and Anung-hoi. 
" Lampton " as a name is not on the Charts, and the writers of the 
Continuation of the China Voyage seem to have meant thereby the 
Wantong Islands and fort in the middle of the river on the western 
side. Mr M. C. Jame informs me that the name Wantong, as 
pronounced in some of the many dialects spoken about Canton, might 
easily have been mistaken by the members of Courteen's Expedition 
for Lampton, or even for Lantao, as they call it later on. 

^ The landing seems to have been made on a small sandy beach 
that exists on Chuen-pi Point and the walk was over the hills by the 
Old Fort and Watch Tower of Chuen-pi into Anson's Bay. 

* The old fort on Anung-hoi Point. 

•* Three leagues up the river would take the Anne beyond Tai-fu 
or Tiger Island to a point between Ji-fu and the Saw-shi shoal, where 
she could anchor in 8 to 9 fathoms. 

^ Tsung-ping (Cantonese, Chung-ping), now a Brigadier-General. 
See Ljungstedt, Portuguese Settlements in China, p. 85, where the term 
is defined as Sea-Prefect, Lieutenant-General. Weddell {O.C. 1662) 
calls this officer " Champeyn " and says he was " Generall of the Pro- 
vince by sea," and Mundy in Relation xxv. calls him the " Cheeompee " 
and " Chompee." The following contemporary allusions to this 
official are interesting. News of the arrival of the Portuguese in the 


of the Seas) Deputie, passinge downe from Canton, 
incountred our people, and in Curteous tearmes 
desired them to anchor, which accordingly they did. 
And presently John Mounteney and Thomas Robin- 
son went abourd the Admirall, the Cheife Manderine, 
where were certaine Negroes, fugitives of the 
Portugalls, that interpreted between them. Att 
first the Chinesse began somewhat roughly to Expos- 
tulate what mooved the English to Come thether 
and discover the prohibited and concealed parts 
and passages of so great Princes Dominions, Also 
who were Pilotts. Thomas Robinson replyed that 
they were come from, a potent Prince of Europe, 
who beinge in amitye with all his neighbours, 
desired likewise the friendshipp of the greate King 
of China, and to that end had his order to treate of 
such Capitulations as might conduce to the good of 
both Princes and subjects, hopeinge that it might 
be lawfull for them as the Inhabitants of Maccaw 
to Exercise a free Commerce there, payinge duties 
as the others. And as for Pilotts, they had none, 
but every one was able by his Arte to discover more 
difficulte passages then they had found that^ 
Hereupon he began to be more afhable, and in con- 
clusion appoynted a small Jouncke to carrye upp 
Captain Carter, John Mounteney and Thomas 

Canton River in 1517 was sent to the " chumpin," and Christovao 
Vieyra in 1.534 speaks of " the compin " as one of the " three persons 
who have charge of this province of Cantao " (Ferguson, Portuguese 
Captives in Canton, pp. 10, 135). In 1655, Neuhoff remarks (p. 126) : 
" The Chancellour came to our Embassadours, and asked them what 
quality or dignity they had ; they answered him, that they had the 
name of Thiomping, for with this Title they were at first qualified 
by the Canton Vice-Roys." Father Magaillans {History of China, 
ed. 1688, pp. 241 — 242, says : " There is a third considerable Officer call'd 
Tsum pim, who commands all the Forces of the Province, and is of 
the first Order of Mandarins." Hamilton in 1703 {A new account of 
the East Indies, 11. 228, 242) alludes to " A Mandarin called the Chumpin 
. . » who superintends the Affairs of the Sea and Rivers." In the 
Log of the Rochester, under date 17th October 1710 (Marine Records, 
137c), there is the note: "This morning hoysted all our Colours being 
the Champ] ns birth day." 

1 This was a piece of bravado on the part of the merchants, who, 
as previously stated, had bribed a fisherman to pilot them up the 
river. Weddell admits (O.C. 1662) that the Chinese officials " at laste 
gott sight of the China fisherman whome I beleeve they have putt to 
death for it, although wee gave them 15 Rs. 8 [reals of 8] to lett him 


Robinson (or whom they pleased) to the towne, if 
they would promise that the Pinnace should proceed 
noe further. For such is their Cowardize, that 
though each of these vessells was as well furnished 
with ordnance as the Annes, and treble mannd, yet 
durst they not all to oppose hir in any hostile way^. 
The same night Captain Carter, Thomas Robinson, 
and John Mounteney left the Pinnace with order to 
Expect their returne, and being imbarqued in a 
small Jouncke of 30 Tonnes, proceeded towards 
Canton, with intent to deliver a petition to the 
Vice Roy for obtayninge of Lycence to settle a 
trade in those parts. 

[19 Jidy 1637.] The next daye they arryved 
within 5 leaugues of Canton^, whether it seemes the 
rumour of their comeinge and fear of them was 
allready arrived, soe that from a message from 
Hitow^ Champen, &c., they were required in frendly 
manner to proceed noe further, but to repa^^e 
abourd, with promise of all assistance in the pro- 
cureinge of licence from Quan Moan*, the subordinate 

^ The reluctance of the Chinese to oppose the passage of the Anne 
by forcible measures was probably owing to defective ammiinition. 

^ The place within 5 leagues of Canton must have been obviously 
the Chop [Hind, chhlp, license] Houses on either side of the river at the 
First Bar, where strangers would be stopped to settle licenses to trade. 

' Hai-tao (Cantonese Hoi-tau) a high maritime official. Weddell 
{O.C. 1662) calls this officer " Hoyto " and says he was " Cheefe 
Justice for the Cittie of Can tan." Vieyra, 1534 {Portuguese Captives 
in Canton, p. 137), mentions " the aytao who has charge of the sea and 
foreigners." Mendoza, 1588 (ed. Staunton, i. 102), places the " Aytao " 
sixth in rank of the Chinese ofticers of a province and defines his duties 
as " generall purvier and president of the counsell of warre, whose 
office is to provide souldiers . . . and to provide ships, munitions, 
and victuals for any fleete that shall pass by sea ... to examine 
such strangers that do come to any province . . . and ... to give 
the viceroy to understand thereof." Faria y Sousa, 1666, mentions 
(Stevens' translation, 1694, i. 254) " The Itao or Adm.iral of that Sea." 
Du Halde (11. 27 — 28) calls the superintendent of the rivers " Ho 
tao " and the inspector of seaports " Hai tao," and Neuhoff (pp. 21, 
24) designates the " Mandarin " who w-as " Admiral of the Sea," 
" Haitonu " and " Heytenu." 

* K'wan Man (Cantonese K'wan Mun) appears to mean in this 
case Administrator of the Gate, i.e., the chief custom-house officer, 
at the two " Chop Houses " at the First Bar (see note 2). This official, 
however, was looked upon by the old travellers as the Viceroy himself, 
vide the following quotations. " The Vizroy, that is in every province 
principall and supreme magistrate in place of the king, they do call 
him Comon " (Mendoza, ed. Staunton, i. loi). " The Viceroy of the 


Vice Roy for Trade, if they would seeke it att 
Maccaw by the soHcitation of some they shoud find 
there and would instantly abandon the river. The 
which they (haveinge satisfied themselves with this 
discovery, and willinge to remove the anxietie 
which their longe absence might breed in the rest 
of the Fleet) readily performed, for the Portugalls 
had allready told that the Ann and all hir people 
were surprised, and were vouchinge that even when 
she appeared in sights 

[22 July 1637]. And soe, settinge sayle with the 
first oppertunitie they arryved att Maccaw, to the 
great Contente and incouragment of all their trends 
well affected to the designe. 

The Japan Fleete sett saile. 
The 2^d of July [1637]. ^^^ nightt Departed the 
Japan Fleete to sea on their voyage. And now expected 
wee open admittance of trade, as wee were encouraged 
by common report and private lettres from some particu- 
lers only, Butt From the Generall of the Citty Nott a 
word sin[c]e the last lettre, which was a mannerly Deniall 
of trade under excuse thatt For want of order From the 
superiours, viz., the King of Spaine and Vizroy of India, 
hee could not Doe us thatt good office which otherwise 
hee willingly would^ 

Province, whom they call Tut Ham [Tu-t'ung] or Kiun Muen. He 
hath power of all the Magistrates and people of the Province " 
(Semedo, History of China, p. 128). " The President bears the Titles 
of . . . Kiun Muen . . . with several other names, which all signifie 
no more than Governour of a Province or Viceroy with us " (Father 
Magaillans, History of China, p. 241). Hamilton, however (East Indies, 
II. 220) calls the Viceroy of Canton the " Chontock [Tsung-titk']." 

^ " The same day that our pinace returned to us. The Generall 
of Mocao sent mee word that our pinnace was taken by the Kinges 
men of warr and all the men putt in prison. Butt when he sawe 
her Cominge in, he sent to excuse himselfe, sayinge the Chineses had 
misinformed him &ca." {O.C. 1662). 

^ The Continuation of the China Voyage [Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) 
says that the " Portugalls Fleet for Japan consisted of "6 small 
Vessells " and that the Portuguese being " freed of their conceived 
feare least wee should have surprized them, they justly flouted the 
simple credulitie (the inseparable badge of folly) of our Nation. And 
at last, haveinge as.sembled a Councell of purpose, sent us a Flatt denyall 
l_of license to trade]." 


Advice to beeware. 

The 26th [July 1637] came a lettre From the Pro- 
curador of Maccao advising us to looke to our selves ; 
thatt hee was told The Chinois had an intent to fire us 
if t[h]ey could. 

The Portugalls open their intents More playnely. 

The 2yth [July 1637] came certaine Merchantts From 
the Generall, who understanding thatt wee were Dis- 
con[ten]ted, Desired to know whither hee had given us 
any cause or noe, and whither thatt hee had nott long 
since given us our answear. That the Chinois would not 
permitt any other Nation to trafhcke with them, Noe 
thatt [sic] the Spaniards themselves, allthough the same 
Kings subjectts, Soe that some 5 or 6 yeares since, as 
they relate, A Spanish shippe comming from Mannilla 
was not suffred to enter butt keptt outt with their 
Ordnance, not suffred to trade ; butt thatt whatt they 
wantt att Mannilla the Portugalls in their owne vessells 
may carry thither. Of this affront the Spaniards com- 
playned to the King, butt these gave soe good reasons 
For whatt they had don thatt hee allowed and con- 
firmed their privileges 1. Moreover, the said Merchantts 
alleadged there were No goodes For our lading or turne, 
wondring of our comming hither, shewing great Discontent 
therat And unwillingnesse of our longer abiding here. 
Butt I conceave they kept the Maine cause of all to 
themselves, which was thatt our Comming in Would 
quickly eat them outt of all trade. 

The 2gth July [1637], 4 Englishmen and i Frenchman, 
which some fev/ Dales since Ran away From the Fleete 

^ This statement, as Mr Bromley Eames points out (English in 
China, p. 15) was incorrect, since the Spaniards had obtained permission, 
in 1598, to trade from Manila to a port in the neighbourhood of Macao. 
According to Faria y Sousa, iii. 106, it was the Portuguese, and not 
the Chinese, who opposed the Spanish trading venture. 


to the Portugall, were by the generall of Macao returned 
us backe againe, Whither outt of his owne incHnation 
or fear that we would deteyne Friers or other people of 
his wee know not^, For wee had allready seized on 2 
of the watche which were released att the camming 
of our Men. 

Determination to depart Macao. 

In Conclusion, finding butt bad hopes From the 
Portugall of any good to bee Don in Matter of Trade, 
and encouragement to have itt From the Chinois by the 
Annes relation. Wee Determined to leave the place and 
Portugalls and to try whatt wee could Doe with the 

End of the 24th Relation. 

1 The Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. LXiii.) 
says that the " runnawaies " were " found by them to be good for 
nothinge (as commonly such people are) " and therefore " we obtayned 
this curtesie to have them delivered, although since they have 
inveighled and concealed better able men whome wee could never 

^ The Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. Lxiii.) 
says that this decision was arrived at in Consultation on the 24th July, 
when " Captain Carter, John Mounteney and Thomas Robinson 
delivered to the whole Councell (togeather with a Draught of the 
river) the some of their attempts, success and hopes, which beinge 
well pondered, and the notorious treacheries of the perfidious Portugalls 
now plainly appearinge (who aymed att nothinge more then our 
utter ruyne), it was gennerally consented unto that the whole fieete 
should, with all convenient speed departe for Lampton. And the 
rather because wee found, by tryall made upon divers Swyne in the 
Shipp Sunn, that the provision of Rice which they furnished us with 
from the towne was soe unwholsome that few men would eate of it, 
and that all boates and people were debarred comeinge abourd . . . 
and we could not long subsist without supplies of those kinds, but 
Especially of the hopes wee conceived of the investinge our Capitall 
in some convenient manner and tyme, of which in any other place wee 
were quite destitute." 







Our Departure from our old rode. 

The 2gth July 16372. The Day abovesaid wee came 
forth of our old rode^ having remayned there Nere one 
Month. The Sunne came aground and soe stayed till 
Next tide. The Friers, Churchmen, etts., sent us from 
towne [Macao] very good ripe grapes and ripe Figges 
such as wee have in Europe. Here were allsoe very [real] 
peares*. Now att our going away came some Portugalls 
aboard to buy wine, etts., and sold some muske at 45 
Ryalls of eightt the Cattee, which is Near 20 oz. English ^ 

1 The full headline to this Relation in the MS. is: " China voiage 
outtward bound From Macao to Tayfoo att the River of Cantan in 

■■^ In the MS. Mundy has written, " August the 29th 1637, I say = 

* Taipa Anchorage. 

■^ The Chinese pear, Pyrus sinensis {11). 

5 The Portuguese were evidently taking advantage of the English. 
The price of musk quoted in " Notes of goods vendible and purchasable 
in Macao " c. 1660 {Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 24, p. 96a) 
is " 30 & 35 ryalls 8/8 per cattee." See Relation xxiii., p. 137, where 
Mundy gives the katt of Achin as 30! oz. or nearly 2 lbs. 


A Fleete of great China Juncks. 

The ^ofh [July 1637]. Wee removed and rode over 
against the east side of Macao, there being a fleete of 
10 saile of China Junckes (greatt vessells) hovering 
aboutt us and many More an [at] Anchor under the 
land. Their intents wee knew nott. However, wee pro- 
vided For them by reason of the advice wee had, as of the 
rumour thatt they should goe aboutt to fire us ; other hurt 
from them wee feared nott, were they 10 tymes as many. 

The Chinois Desire us to anchor and to goe noe 
farther : we proceed onwards. 

August 1637. The First of this Month wee came 
some 2 or 3 leagues Farther 1, when there came unto us 
certaine vessells, unto whom wee sent the [Dragon's] 
barge and brought From them an officer with an inter- 
preter, who desired us to anchor there aboutts and to 
proceed no farther untill order should com from Cantan, 
whither they would send present [immediate] advice 
of our Comming and Desire. Howsoever, thatt nightt 
wee wayed and came farther Northward into the Bay 
towards the Mouth of the River of Cantan^. These 
2 Dales wee saw a greatt number off fisher boates etts. 
vessells, soe thatt it May bee verified here whatt is reported 
of some parts of China, thatt there are more people 
on the water then on the land^ For whatt wee have 
yett scene are Hands, high, broken, stony, sandy, uneven 

^ Three leagues up the river would take the fleet to a point off 
the Nine Islands. 

2 This would take the fleet to Chuen-pi Point. 

' " Ce qu'il y a de particulier, c'est qu'aupres des grandes Villes, 
surtout dans les Provinces meridionales, on voit des especes de Villes 
flotantes ; c'est une multitude prodigieuse de barques rangees des 
deux cotez de la riviere, oii logent une infinite de families qui n'ont 
point d'autres maisons. Ainsi I'eau est presque aussi peuplee que la 
terre ferme." Du Halde, Description de I'Empire de la Chine, ed. 1735, 
II. 8. See also Mendoza, ed. Staunton, 1. 150. This is still the first 
thing to be remarked on approaching Canton. 


land, and uninhabited, nott i acre in looo made use 
off ; butt these are butt the outt lies of Cantan lying 
about the Rivers Mouth. 

[1st August 1637]. To Day one of our foremast Men 
Fell off of our foreyard (which was then acrosse) on the 
Forecastle, Flatt on his belly. It deprived him of his 
sences awhile, butt hee recovered againe. . 

Another fleete of Junckes, by whome wee are againe 
Desired to go no Farther. 

[^th August 1637]. From the First currantt to this 
Day, the 4th, wee gotte butt little [farther] by reason 
of straunge curranntts and little wyndes. There came 
to us heare another Fleete of greatt China Juncks, The 
kings Men of Warre, aboutt 40 saile, straunge vessells 
and as straungely Fitted, as in Folio 139, letter A^. 
These Desired us to Anchor, which wee did, and kept 
especiall good watche thatt Nightt, not knowing as 
j^ett how to trust them. 

The 6th [August 1637]. Came a Messenger with an 
enterpreter From the Mandareene of the Fleete, Desiring 
us to proceed no Farther towards Cantan, butt to turne 
aside into a place called Lantau^ hard by us, where wee 
should have provisiones, and thatt they would allsoe 
endeavour wee should have admittance of trade, and 
thatt they had suncke certaine vessells in our waye, 
soe they said. Wee answeared thatt wee wished them 
no hurt, but Desired their Freindshippe and goodwill 
to have Merchandize For our Mony and then wee would 
Depart, and thatt wee only would goe a little farther 
uppe towards the Rivers Mouth to serve our shippes, 
and thatt there wee would stay their answear, beeing 
they had said they had written aboutt us 

^ See Illustration No. 29. 

2 That is, they were told to go to Lantao (Wantong Forts) where 
the Anne had previously anchored. See ante, note ^ on p. 177. 


Further particulars of the interview with the Mandarins 

{Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine 
Records, vol. lxiii.). 

6th August i6^y. Arryved all before the fore- 
mentioned desolate Castle [on Chuen-pi Point], and 
beinge nowe furnished with some slender Inter- 
preters, wee soone had speech with dyvers Manderyns 
in the Kings Junckes, To whome wee discovered 
the cause of our comeinge, vizt., to entertayne 
peace and amitie with them, to trafhque freely, 
as the Portugalls did, and to be forthwith supplyd for 
our monies with provisions for our Shipps. All 
which they promised to sollicite with Haitau (the 
lord treasurer), Champin^ (the Admirall of the 
forces both by sea and land), And the rest of the 
prime men then resident in Cantan. For att that 
tyme both Chadjan^, the supervisor gennerall, 
and Toutan [Tu-t'ung] or Quan Mone [K'wan-Mun], 
the Vice roy^, were both absent farr of ; and in the 
meane tyme they desired our Expectation for 6 
dales, which wee granted, and in the interim wee 
rode with our white Ensignes on the Poope. 

Weddell's own account of the above incident 
{O.C. 1662). 
Twoe dayes after our pinace [the Anne] Came 
to us, wee plyed it [worked] up to the mouth of the 
river of Cantan (before named), and in our way 
wee mett with 40 China men of warr whoe demaunded 
whether we were bound that way. We answered 
the messenger, that spake both Portingall and 
Chinese, that wee came to seeke a trade with those 
of Cantan. Hee told us wee must ancor there, 
and awaite the Answere of the Mandereenes at 
Cantan (which would be 8 dayes ere an answere 
Could be returned us). I told him I would seeke 
a place to secure our shippes if a Herycan or Taffoone 
should Come ; soe wee plied it in, as wind and 

^ Hai-tao, Tsung-ping. See ante, notes on pp. 177, 179. 

2 Cantonese, Cham-jan, Assistant Military Governor. 

3 See note '' on p. 179. 


tyde would give us leave. They keeping us Companie 
Cried and weaved to us to Come to an ancor, but 
we made them noe answere but plied [went on 
with] our businesse, all our shippes beinge readie 
and fitted to receive them if they had afronted us. 
This Continewed 3 dayes till wee had gotten to 
the mouth of the second streight where they had a 
Castle [Anung-hoi], but when Captain Carter went 
in with the pinnace ^ there was neither ordinance nor 
soldiers upon it, and about a minion^ shott from 
this Castle wee ancored through their much intreatie, 
upon promise that in 10 dayes they would procure 
us free trade with those in Canton, but if wee should 
offer to goe above the Castle it would give an alarum 
to the Countrie people which lived upon the Hands 
round about us and would be ill taken by the 
Mandereen of Cantan ; soe wee agreed to staye 
10 dayes for an Answere from Cantan. 

Anchored by Fumaon : Badd signes of obteyning trade 
with the Chineses allsoe. 

The 8th of August 1637. Wee came to a convenient 
place and Anchored in 10 or 11 Fathom water by a 
towne called Fumaone'' ; reasonable good land on both 
sides, allthough Hands and inletts ; towne, villages and 
trees in sundry places ; a greatt Fleete of Juncks riding, 
som ahead som asterne ; a plattfforme on the starboard 
side going upp*, which was supplied with Men and 

1 See Belation xxiy. p. 177. 

^ Minion, an obsolete term for a small kind of ordnance. 

^ This name must represent a village on Anung-hoi Point. I have 
found no trace of it either in Mundy's spelling or in any other form. 

* Anung-hoi Fort. Compare the following allusions to the forts 
at the mouth of the Canton River. " When the Gap of the Tigar 
bears SbEt and the first Tower NNWt, you are Just clear and will 
have 7 fathoms Water at high Water . . . Anchored in 13 fathom, 
the Westmost Castle WNWt, the Eastmost NNWt being without the 
Boak [Boca Tigris]." Log of the Seaford, under date 6th January 
1702 {Marine Records, vol. cxlix.). " Anchored in 7 fathom, the 
Piramid [Pagoda Tower] NNWi-W, Boco Tigris SSW^W and Castle 
Island [Wantong Island] SbE|E. Anchored in 6 fathom, Linting 
SbE Easterly, Boco Tigris NWJN, Castle Island NW, the old Castle 
on the Eastern Shoar [Anung-hoi] NNW JWest." Log of the Rowland 


Ordnance, setting Flagges on the walles, making prepara- 
tion For enemies while wee Ment them no harmed 
However it comes to passe, whither through the Portugalls 
bribery, Or whither the Chinois observing an auntient 
Custom reported of them in not permitting straungers 
to traffick in their Country, I know nott. Butt they seeme 
allsoe very unwilling of our Company and much dis- 
contented att our comming uppe soe near to the Rivers 
Mouth of Cantan. For, except one smalle boate which 
sold us a greatt Fish called in Spanish Corvino ^ and the 
boate thatt came on Messages From the Mandareenes, 
Not one boate elce hath come Near us these lo Dales, 
allthough wee saw Many hundreds. 

The Chinois Fortifie against us, and wee make preparation 
For Deffence and offence. 

The gth August 1637. Wee sent ashoare to the 
[Anung-hoi] Fort, and receaving some bad answear 
to our peaceable Demaunds, Wee Fitted our selves as 
well for offence as Defence, Displaying our bloudy ensignes 

under date 23rd — 24th February 1712 [Marine Records, vol. 696c). 
Compare also Osbeck's Voyage io China and the East Indies, in 175 1, 
ed. 1771, I. 180, " Bocca Tyger ... at its opening, is a narrow 
river . . . On the right hand side of the entrance was a low 
castle . . . somewhat further on the left were two castles on two 
different hills . . . the inner one is higher, so that it may command 
the other." See also op. cit. 11. ao. 

^ The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage [Marine 
Records, vol. LXiii.) say that owing to " our perfidious frends, the 
Portugalls," who " had in all this tyme since the returne of the Pinnace 
Ann soe beslandered us unto them," the Chinese " became very jealous 
[suspicious] of our good meaninge, insomuch that in the night tyme 
they putt 46 peeces of Iron cast ordnance into this Forte lyinge close 
to the brincke of the river, each peece beinge betwene 6 and 700 weightt 
and well proportiond." Weddell says [O.C. 1662) that "in the 
interim," whilst awaiting directions from Canton, " they fell to worke 
about the Castle and planted by night 44 peeces of ordinance upon it, 
whilest wee went from towne to towne to buy provisions for our shippes 
amongst the Chineses, and lett them goe on with their fortifications 
in their Castle. The ordinance they tooke out of the Junkes and they 
being all mounted in the Castle, the Junkes went farther up into the 
river supposinge the Castle sufficient to keepe us from goeinge further 
into the river." 

^ Corvina. Sp. and Port., a conger-eel. 


on our poopes, taking in the white, putting on our wast- 
cloathesi ^nd the Kings coullours on our Mayne toppes, 
taking Downe Saint George S which the Chinois perceaving, 
sent Immediately a Messenger From the said Fort Desiring 
us to have patience For 6 Daies More, For in thatt tyme 
they Doubted nott of answear From Cantan, intending 
that evening to write againe, and withall sent us a white 
Flagge with which they said wee mightt in peaceable 
Manner procure provisions From the townes and villages 
hereaboutts. With this wee were pacified For the tyme. 

Wee went ashoare to their villages to buy provision. 

The loth August 1637. Wee went ashoare into an 
Inlett unto a village with our white Flagge, butt att 
the entraunce wee were Forbid to goe any Farther by 
one of the Kings small skulling Junckes deciphered in 
Folio 139, letter B^ Butt Forward went wee, the people 
wondring and Flocking aboutt us. Here wee bought 
some few hennes, egges, etts., our white Flagge serving 
to little purpose, our white silver beeing all in all. 

^ Waistcloths, the precursors of the later boarding nettings, were 
canvas coverings for hammocks stowed in the gangways between the 
quarter-deck and the forecastle. It was customary during a fight to 
stretch these waistcloths along the low waist of a ship between the 
forecastle and the poop as a protection against boarding. In Mundy's 
day waistcloths were made of red kersey listed with canvas. See 
Oppenheim, The Administration of the Royal Navy, p. 257. 

^ There are four flags mentioned in this passage, (i) The white 
flag showing that the intruders were peaceful traders, (2) St George's 
flag (white ensign) showing nationality, (3) the King's Colours (the 
Royal Arms of the day) which the fleet had special permission to fly 
(see ante, p. 19), and (4) the " bloudy ensign " or " bloody colours." 
It will be noticed that the two first were used while trading, and were 
taken down in favour of the two last while fighting or about to fight. 
The King's Colours were apparently hoisted to show that Courteen's 
factors had a right to fight for the Crown, and the " bloudy ensign " 
as a signal to engage or possibly as a sign of "no quarter." The 
" bloody ensign " or Flag of Defiance was used in both the last senses 
from the 13th to the igth century. See J. S. Corbett, Fighting 
Instructions, 1530 — 1816. I am indebted to Mr S. Charles Hill for the 
information leading to the above note. 

^ See Illustration No. 29. 


Good land and habitation. 

Here within were many townes, villages, pretty 
vallies and Creekes in sightt, the higher land much 
smoother and better then thatt wee saw heretofore, 
with great store of Pine shrubbes and high trees of the 

Snakes and Dogges Flesh eaten for good Meat in China. 

Here in the Bazare or Markett among other provisiones 
there was a snake to bee sold, aboutt 4 or 5 Foote long, 
alive, his Mouth sowed uppe For biting^, accompted 
good meat, and Dogges Flesh allsoe, by report estimated 
a principall Dishe. 

A Pagode or China Church. 

Wee went to a Pagode^ of theirs, a reasonable 
handsome building and well tyled. On the cheife place 
of the Altar sate an Image of a Woman of More then 
Ordinary biggnesse, having on her head an ornament 
somewhat Resembling an Imperiall Crowne. Nextt 
withoutt her, off from the Altar, stood 2 greatt statues 
of Mandareenes with Fannes in their hands, withoutt 
them 2 other Images of Mandareene, and outermost of 
all 2 evill Favoured ugly Feindlyke Figures. Of each 
of these there stood of each side one like a guard a good 
space [? between] the 2 ranckes*. Before the altar their 

. ^ I have found no confirmation of this method of preserving snakes 
for the market. 

^ Pagoda, a word of obscure origin (see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v.), 
like Mandarin, is not Chinese and was introduced to the Far East by 
European travellers. The Cantonese word for a pagoda is t'dp (Skr. 

' Mundy is describing a Southern Chinese Buddhist temple. The 
great image that attracted his attention was probably one of Kwan- 
yin, the Chinese representative of the Bodhisattva Avalokite6vara, 
who, in China, became confused with the indigenous female deity 
Kwan-yin, the Personification of Mercy, the Hearer of Prayer, thus 
converting a male Buddhist object of worship into a goddess. Kwan- 
yin, however, on the southern sea-coast, is frequently represented as 
a man, a confusion of sex which is natural. See Edkins, Chinese 


burned a lampe and there stood Divers Frames, like greatt 
standing Cuppes of 4 or 5 Foote high, whereon they 
burne incense, pevettsS etts., perfumes, with many 
small Candles sticking in sundry places. There hung 
a bell within the said pagode of aboutt 4 or s^- hundred- 
waght, off Cast Iron (or perhapps som other Mixture 
with itt), on which they strike on the outt side with a 
little woodden Clubbe ; it resembled our Europe bells, 
but not soe broad brymmed^. 

Chaa, what it is. 

The people there gave us a certaine Drinke called 
Chaa, which is only water with a kind of herbe boyled 
in itt. It must bee Drancke warme and is accompted 
wholesome ^ Aboutt Noone wee came aboard againe 
and tried to another towne on our larboard side over 
against Fumahone, where wee gotte a bullocke and 
some hens with promise to have much More in the 

The 11th of August [1637]. Wee wentt ashoare to 
the said towne in our barge, and another boate with an 
interpreter was sentt to other places. Butt as wee 
wente forth together and aboutt one same businesse, soe 
wee retourned aboutt one and the same Tyme and spedde 
Nere alike, they having broughtt very little and wee 

Buddhism, 239 ff. and 261 f. for a description of Chinese Buddhist 
temples, including those to Kwan-yin. For a full account of Kwan- 
yin and the various forms under which he (or she) is worshipped, see 
Journal of Indian Art, i. 113. 

^ This word, which I have failed to find in any dictionary, is un- 
doubtedly a corruption of the Spanish pebete, a pastille for fumigation, 
while a censer is pebetero. Mundy seems to be trying to differentiate 
between the several kinds of incense used. See Edkins, Religion in 
China, p. 25. 

^ Compare Osbeck, Voyage to China, 1751 (p. 239), " A bell without 
a clapper hangs on one side [of the pagoda] and a drum on the other 
side before the altar." Great bells without clappers are common in the 
yards of temples wherever Buddhism has spread. 

^ Cantonese, cha, tea. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tea, for 
numerous quotations. See also Le Comte, Travels in China, p. 220, 
on the virtues of " Thee," and Nieuhoff, Dutch Embassy to China, p. 247. 


Just nothing, For the Mandareene of Lantao [Wantong] 
who is Governour of all the townes and villages here- 
aboutts, as allsoe of their Junckes, sent order all aboutt 
thatt Nothing should bee sould us. 

Our Interpreters, who they were. 
The aforesaid interpreter was a Chincheo^, runaway 
From the Portugalls att our beeing att Macao, who 
spake a little bad [incorrect] language. There is another 
Named Antonio, A Capher Eathiopian Abissin, or Curled 
head-, thatt came to and Froe aboutt Messages as inter- 
preter, little better then the other, runawaie allsoe From 
the Portugalls to the Chinois, it beeing an ordinary 
Matter For slaves on some Discontent or other to run 
away From their Masters ; and beeing among the Chinois 
they are saffe, who make use of their service. In ditto 
Towne was one very handsome house, part of hewen 
stone and part of an extraordinary large Fine blewish 
bricke with pillars, arches, etts. This wee were told 
was a place where the Mandareenes sitt in Justice att 
some sett tymes*. 

A straunge way off invitation. 
As wee returned toward our boate, some Chinois were 
going to their Pagode to Doe their superstition and to 
feast, it beeing the Morrow of the New Moone*, and invited 

^ A native of Fuhkien. See note ^ on p. 155. 

^ Mundy means a negro slave of the Portuguese who had been 
given a Christian name by them and perhaps become a convert. The 
rest of the description indicates a Habshi, the Arabic term for an 
Abyssinian or Ethiopian, applied in common Oriental parlance to 
any black African. " Capher " is for Ar. kdfir, an infidel, a heathen. 
Thus the whole phrase signifies a negro slave answering to the name 
of .Antonio. 

^ Yamen, Cantonese Ngainun, an official building. The " fine 
blewish bricke " are the ordinary burnt bricks of the country, ts'ing- 
chun, which are of a bluish colour. 

^ One of the four monthly feasts occurring at the new and full 
moons on the 8th and 23rd of the month. These feasts are called 
Kinming s'i-chai, " The four feasts illustriously decreed." See Edkins, 
Chinese Buddhism, p. 206. 


US along with them by Clapping their Fore Plnger on the 
one side of their Nose, which as I was told is used some- 
tymes as a familiar way of Invitation to eat, Drincke 
and bee Merry ^ 

A Church built of oyster shells. 

The walles of the said Pagode were built of extra- 
ordinary large and long Oyster shells, appearing handsome 
to sights In this poore Pagode were no Images, I 
say statues, only some few Defaced pictures hard to 
bee discerned. 

The Manner of the Chinois ceremonies to their 
Images in their Pagodes. 

Those thatt invited us were the Father and the sonne, 
who stood upright before the Altar, making Many 
bowings to the ground, with kneelings. The Father 
taketh 2 peeces of wood aboutt a spanne long and 2 
Inches broad, bluffe or blunt att both ends, Flatt one 
the one side and rounding on the other, which hee threw 
uppe many tymes both together, and according as they 
Fell and lay (soe I conceave), hee interpreted good or 
bad lucke to themselves ^ After, hee takes a Cuppe of 

^ I can find no confirmation of this. Perhaps Mundy misunder- 
stood his interpreter. 

^ The only other reference to buildings of oyster-shells that I have 
found is in Osbeck's Voyage to China, 1751, 11. 20, where he noticed 
" an entire wall of a garden made " of them, on the riverside, near 
Canton. " The shells were in substance like ours, but larger, longer, 
and narrower at one end. The Chinese call them 0-a, or 0-ha 
[hok-ho]." Professor Giles informs me that oyster-shell buildings are 
still common in Formosa. 

^ Mundy is describing the divining sticks [chiao-pai or chiao-kua, 
in Cantonese piH-kdu, kdu-pdi, or kdu-kwd), consisting of two pieces of 
split wood, or bamboo, in the shape of the two halves of a kidney - 
bean, which are thrown in the air before the altar in a temple, either 
Buddhist or Taoist. " Two convex sides uppermost mean a response 
indifferently good ; two flat sides mean negative and bad ; one convex 
and one flat side mean that the prayer will be granted. This form 
of divination . . . was common " as far back as 300 B.C. H. A. 
Giles, Religions of Ancient Ci.ina, p. 34. 

M. III. 13 


wyne (as I Imagine) S holding it first over his head and 
Muttring some certaine words, spills part therof on the 
ground ; then takes hee another Cuppe, wherin was the 
head, liver and guizzard of a henne. Doing therewith 
as hee Did with the other, powring outt allsoe a little 
of the broath on the ground. Making as it were an offring 
of both unto their Saint before they fast it. Soe ended 
the Ceremony, a Fire beeing kindled and incense burning 
all the while before the altar. Then broughtt they us 
some henne cutt in smalle peeces and Fresh porcke Don 
in like Manner^, giving us Choppsticks to eatt our Meat, 
butt wee knew not how to use them, soe imployed our 

Our Drincke was warme Rack \^arak, spirits]^ outt 
of a straunge bottle. For on the one side it had a bigge 
hole wherin they putt kindled coales with a little grate 
for the ashes to fall Downe in to another place, the licor 
going round aboutt all within the said bottle. This 
allsoe serves somtyrnes to warme their Chaa afore- 
mentioned*, which they allwaies Drinck hotte as the 
Turckes Doe Coffea, and I thinck used For the same, 
partly to passe away the tyme, butt Cheiffly For their 
stomacks sake, it beeing accompted very whole- 

Having before mentioned Chopstickes, I will Describe 
a ordinary Fellow, as boatemen, etts., how hee eateth 

^ Cantonese tsau, spirit, the Indian and Oriental 'arak (arrack and 
rack). See Edkins, Religion in China, p. 24 and footnote. 

" See Semedo, History of China, p. 95, for " That which they 
sacrifice," and Edkins, op. cit., p. 23, for further details. 

^ This was perhaps shik-tsau, mulled wine, or more probably 
" samshoo " (Cantonese sam-shiu, lit. thrice-distilled wine or spirit). 
The common strong drink of the country, which might also have been 
supplied them, is shtH-'tsau, lit. "water spirit," distilled from rice. 

* No other traveller of the period seems to have described the use 
of the samovar in China. Professor H. A. Giles informs me that the 
Cantonese term for this vessel is ch'a-t'ong-u, tea-scald-pot, which 
points to a transference of the Russian idea of the self-boiler {samovar) 
and its practical application to the Chinese. 


his meat^ which is commonly on the ground or Decke. 
Hee taketh the stickes (which are aboutt a foote longe) 
beetweene his Fingers and with them hee taketh iippe 
his Meat, beeing first cut smalle, as saltporcke, Fish, 
etts., with which they reHsh their Rice (it beeing their 
common Foode). I say first taking upp a bitt of the 
Meatte, hee presently applies to his Mouth a smalle 
porcelane [bowl] with sodden Rice. Hee thrusts, 
Grammes and stuffes it full of the said Rice with the 
Chopsticks in exceeding hasty Manner untill it will hold 
No more. They eat very often and are great Drinckers, 
Festivall, Frolike and Free^ as farre as [we] saw. The 
better sort eat after the same Manner, butt they sitt at 
tables as we Doe^ 

The nth of Augtcst [1637]. In the afternoone Mr 
Jno. Mountney, my self and the interpreter went ashoare 
to the Fort, carrying with us their white Flagge, telling 
them it was to no purpose. They told us they would 
send a Chinaman along with us, butt thatt wee had 
tried allsoe and could not prevaile to gett us provision 
For our Mony, [and] wee Desired to speake with the 
Cheife Mandareene. They answeared it could not bee, 
and thatt wee were yett to stay 4 Dales more for an 

^ See Illustration No. 28. Chopsticks is the Pigeon-English 
translation of the Cantonese term fai-tsz, lit. " the hasteners," through 
" Pidgin-English " " chop-chop," from Cantonese kap-kap, " make 
haste !" 

I have used sz as the transcription of certain Chinese ideograms 
because Eitel {Cantonese Diet.) and other Chinese scholars employ 
these Roman letters for the purpose, so that readers who wish to 
further investigate the words may do so easily. But the sounds 
meant to be conveyed can equally well and more readably be indicated 
by SI or s'l. Later on in this volume will be found references to sai-sz 
silver. This the man-in-the-street writes as " sycee " silver, which is 
even more intelligible than the form that scholars have evolved . Many 
years ago Sir Thomas Wade gave the editor sai-{ox sei-)szii or si as the 
Cantonese transcription of the Chinese characters now written out 
as sai-sz. The Pekingese (Mandarin) form he gave as si-szu. 

^ Festival as an adjective, meaning joyous, glad, is now obsolete. 
By " Festivall, Frolike and Free " Mundy means " joyous, mirthful 
and frank." 

' Montanus, c. 1664 (p. 364) says that the Chinese sit at table on 
" high and artificial wrought stools." 


answear. Soe Mr Mountney, throwing Downe the Flagge, 
wee came away. They cald to us, butt wee went not 

Strict watche kept aboard the shippes 
and wherfore. 

This reply wee broughtt aboard, wheruppon it was 
concluded amongst all to stay outt the 4 Dales, beeing 
it was our agreementt, in the Meane t5nTie to keepe good 
watche to preventt Daunger by Fire, which is thatt wee 
most fear from them, AUsoe to have our shippes, Men and 
Munition in a readinesse, which hath bin observed ever 
since wee came in [to the river] with more then Ordinary. 
For it seemed to us all Thatt their answeares were Noth- 
ing butt Delaies, that they mightt in the Meanetyme 
secure and strengthen themselves. And as I said before, 
soe now againe, it is either Don by procurement of the 
Portugalls, who I conceave would rather Freely give 
to the Chinois the whole valine of our Cargazone then 
thatt wee should have permission to have Free trade 
with them, knowing it would bee the overthrow and 
totall Ruine of Macao ; Or the old tradition and Naturall 
inclination of these peop[l]e Not to suffer straungers to 
inhabitt and trafficke, in their land : Macao it seemes 
beeing permitted long since by insinuation of the Jesuitts 
with the King and greatt Men, presenting them with 
Divers rarities outt of Europe, as allsoe shewing them 
of our European learning, untill then unknowne to them, 
thatt priviledge beeing procured with much Difficulty, 
Diligence and Cost. 

Our barge shotte att From the Fort : Our shippes 
come up to it and besett it. 

The 12th of August [1637]. Our barge beeing sentt 
to sound the water farther uppe, passed somwhatt Near 
the Plattfforme [Anung-hoi fort], From whence they 


were shott att 3 severall tymes, which caused her to 
come backe to the shippes. Uppon this they resolved 
to goe uppe and ride abreast of itt. Then outt went 
againe our Kings coullours, wastcloathes and bloudy 
ensigne^ And the tide of Floud serving, wee came uppe. 
Anchored Near unto itt [the fort] and beesett it with our 
4 shippes. Then From the PlattfEorme they began to 
Discharge att us allsoe Near a dozen shotte before wee 
answeared one. By their working wee perceaved whatt 
good gunners they were and how well they were fitted, 
For many of their owne shott Dropte downe outt off the 
Mouth of the peece close under the walle. Others were 
shotte att random happe hazard quite another way, 
giving fire to them with wett ventts even as the peeces 
lay on the round wall, withoutt ayming or traversing 
them att all. However, one shotte came and Cutt a 
Httle of the Dragons Maine HaUiards a little abuove Man 
height, The Admirall then walking on the halff Decke. 

Wee beegin to batter : The Chinois beegin to fly. 

Att length wee beegan to Discharge our Ordnance on 
all hands. First the Admirall [the chief ship, the Dragon], 
then the rest, with sound of Drummes and trumpetts. 
Some of our shotte soe lighted [on] and Frighted them 
thatt within \ howre there ran outt att the gate Neare a 
score of them along the strand, and soe gotte beehind a 
point. Wee conceaving there were some yett remayning 
within, continued shooting, butt hearing No More From 
them (For I thincke when they had once Discharged those 
gunnes of theirs thatt were laden, they had no greatt 
Minde to charge them againe). Our boates well Manned 
were sent ashoare ; butt by the tyme they were gotten 
halffe way, there came Forth off the Fort aboutt a Dozen 
More, butt None of any quallity thatt wee could perceave. 

1 See ante, pp. 188 — 189. 


The Fort abandoned : Whatt Booty. 

Our people beeing landed and Finding the gates 
open, entred the Fort, tooke Downe the China Flagge, 
hung it over the wall and theron advaunced our Kings 
coullours. Then wentt the Commaunders on shoare 
allsoe. Where they found aboutt 44 smalle Drakes ^ of 
Near 4 or 5 hundredwaightt each, made by Chinois 
of Mixed Iron Cast, allsoe some plancks. Other things 
there were None, excepting potts, pannes, stooles, etts. 
rubbish. Having Defaced the battlementts and sett 
fire of the buildings within, wee broughtt away the 
gunnes (some 4 or 5 excepted which were broken in their 
throwing Downe over the wall) and some plancks etts. 
Wee came all aboard againe. I have sett downe the 
taking of this plattfforme somwhat largely, beecause it 
was soe orderly Don and the First skirmish thatt I yett 
ever saw my selfe in by land or Sea, this acte rather 
shewing the Manner then Deserving the Name of the 
taking of a Fort, it beeing of No great Daunger, Difficulty 
or resistance, as aforesaid. However, herein wee shewed 
our Discontents For their refusing our Freindly proffeers 
For a peaceable Commerce, And seeing all Faire Meanes 
will not prevaile, wee thoughtt good to Make triall of 
the Contrary. In Conclusion, the peace is broken and 
Now more then [ever] it beehooves us to stand uppon 
our guard. 

Additional accounts of the skirmish of the 12th August 

(i). Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 

vol. LXIII.). 

After the End of 4 dales, haveinge (as they 
thought) sufficiently fortified themselves, they 
treacherously breaking this agreed Truce, discharged 

^ An obsolete term for a small cannon. 


divers shott (though without hurte) upon our barge, 
which passed by them to find out a convenient 
wateringe place. Herewith the whole fleet beinge 
justly incensed, did on the sudden displaye their 
bloody Ensignes, and weighing the Anchors, fell 
upp with the flood and birthed themselves before 
the Castle, from whence came many shott before 
wee began with them, yett not one that touched soe 
much as hull or rope, until one which cutt the maine 
halliards of the Dragon. Whereupon, not being 
able to endure their bravadoes any longer, each 
Shipp began to play furiously upon them with 
their broad sides. And after 2 or 3 howres, per- 
ceivinge their cowardly fainting, our boates were 
landed with about 100 men, which sight occasioned 
them with great distractions instantly to abandon 
the Castle and Fly. Ours in the meane tyme without 
lett, Entringe the same and displainge his Majesties 
CuUours of great Brittaine upon the walls, and 
haveing the same night putt abourd all their Ordnance 
and divers planckes which they had reared for 
barracodoes upon the battlements, they fired their 
Councell house and dimolished what they could, 
and so returned to the shipps. 

(2). Weddell's own account {O.C. 1662). 

The apointed tyme for answere beinge expired, 
I sent to the walls of the Castle to knowe the 
Mandereenes minde, but they would not be spoken 
withall, and thus they served me 3 dayes together. 

1 sent my bardge to sound about the Castle wall 
to see whether our shipps might Come nearer to it, 
but Cominge neere the Castle, the Chineses made 
3 shott at the barge. One fiewe over her, the other 

2 fell shorte at the barges side, and did noe harme 
at all. Hereupon I Called all the Commaunders 
and merchants together and demaunded their 
opinions what were beste to be done in reguard 
wee found nothinge but delayes and that there was 
noe hopes of anie trade by faire meanes, wee were 
all of opinion to laye all our shippes as neere the 
walls of the Castle as wee Could well Come, and to 


batter it about their eares. Soe wee waied presentlie 
with the flood and with our shipps ancored within 
musquett shott of the Castle. The Dragon lett 
fall her ancor within pistoll shott of the walls, and 
the Castle made 13 shott at us ere wee Could bringe 
a peece of ordinance to beare iipon them. But as 
soone as wee brought our shipp to beare upon them, 
wee kept them from lodinge their gunnes anie more ; 
soe that in -| howres space one of the Companies of 
soldiers begunn to runne for it, which wee per- 
ceivinge, wee manned our boates and landed our 
men, but none would stay in the Castle to receive 
us, but all ranne away and lefte the Castle for us to 
possesse. Our men entered and placed his majesties 
Cullours upon the walls. In the interim they were 
all gott up on a hill which overtopped the Castle 
and threwe greate stones into the same, so that 
wee were not able to hold it. Soe wee fell to work 
in gettinge aboard our shippes their ordinance, 
and dismantled the walls ; and soe quited the Castle, 
still beinge under the comaund of our ordinance. 
That night wee had gotten 35 peeces aboard our 
ship [pes]. This beinge done, the Allarum flew 
up to Cantan which is a[s] farre distant as London 
bridge is to Eriff^ 

A Juncke taken by us. 

The i^th [12th p.m.] Ditto [Atigust 1637J. Wee tooke 
a juncke with our boates and broughtt her aboard. 
Shee had only in her a few tymbers, planckes, Arcabus a 
Croc^ Bamboo speares and a little Rice, which was all 
handed in to the Admirall with some of their people, 
who in submissive Manner Fell on their knees when they 
came aboard. I say wee tooke her the 12th Ditto in 
the afternoone. 

^ For a fourth account of this skirmish, see the letter of igth 
December 1637, Courteen Papers, Appendix D. 
^ See ante, note on p. 122. 


A strange conclusion tried. 

The [13^/7. August 1637]. The said Junck was Manned 
with English with some Chinois to scull her, and sent 
ahead to intercept others thatt should passe as not 
Mistrusting!. Allso the Sunnes Skiff e was sentt ashoare 
to try if they could buy any Cattle, provision, etts. 
(which may seeme straunge to surprize and take and to 
seeke trade and refreshing From the same people at the 
same tyme) ; butt contrariwise they had some skirmish 
with the Country people, whereuppon our boates were 
sent to Succour them ; soe at last all came well off and 
returned in saffety^. To day wee allso took a poore 
fisherman ; 5 of their Men got away by swyming ; other 
2 with the boate were taken and presently [immediately] 
released againe. Wee allsoe tooke a bigge Juncke laden 
with salt^ bound For Cantan ; the Men all Fledd. 

Some of the First Juncks people were in their owne 
Cockboate* sent with a lettre to Cantan, written in 
China Characters, shewing therin a reason of our thus 
proceeding with them, and thatt contrariwise our Desire 
was to have their Freindshipp and Free Comriierce in 
their Country ; the rest of thatt company should remayne 
with us till the others returned \ 

1 In modern. English this would run : — The said junk, manned by 
English with some Chinese to scull her, was sent ahead to meet those 
coming down the river, so that they might pass her without suspicion 
(obsolete sense of mistrusting). In the letter of 19th December 1637 
{Courteen Papers, Appendix D), the reasons for manning the junk with 
Englishmen are more distinctly stated. It is also recorded that the 
captain and his son, " a little Child " were kept on board the English 

^ For an account of this incident, see below. 

^ The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine 
Records, vol. lxiii.) say that the cargoes of salt, timber, &c., were 
" safely kept from spoile. And afterwards, uppon proffer of peace, 
freely delivered and surrendred upp againe to the owners." 

* A small ship's boat, especially the small boat towed behind a 
coasting vessel going up or down river. 

* According to the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine 
Records, vol. lxiii.), the letter to " the Cheife Mandryns att Canton 


Thomas Robinson's skirmish with the country folk 

[Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, 

vol. LXIII.). 

All provisions of refreshinge growinge scarce in 
the Shipps and sicke men much necessitated, Thomas 
Robinson went on shoare with the barge and a 
whitt flagg to certaine villages to procure what he 
might, beinge accompanied only with 7 musketters, 
and haveinge passed about a Myle upp in the 
Country, made their his Station in an open porch 
of one of their Idoll Temples, untill the people 
had brought in henns, hoggs, etc., for which, whilest 
the mony was payinge, he descried about 350 
Chinesses, armed with swords, bucklers, launces, 
etc., makeinge towards them ; and beinge approached 
very neare, they began to rayse a confused shoute 
after the manner of the Irish hubbubs Wherupon 
he called to his Company instantly to handle their 
musketts and to be carefull that they were not 
cutt off from the passage to the waterside to which 
they now approched, but were resolutly and un- 
dauntedly put to retreate by ours, whoe, discharginge 
3 att once and then retyringe whilst the others came 
upp, held them play [kept them engaged] in a fayre 
manner without any dammadge (though they lost 
some), till they had recovered the waterside, where 
beinge arryved, they found a supply of about 60 
small shott sent from the Shipps, invited by the 
discharginge of their musketts in this occasion. 
With these, beinge reinforced, they marched upp 
againe and recovered what they had formerly paid 
for and were constrained to leave behind. Yett 
offred they noe violence to people or howses. 

expostulateinge their breach of truce, and Excusinge our assaylinge 
the Castle, and withall in fayre tearmes requiringe the libertie of a 
free trade," was sent by the third boat seized, a " vessel of small 

^ " The Irish hubbub," (hubbaboo), is an old term referring to the 
ancient Irish expression abu or war-cry. It consisted of confused 
yelling. Hence " the Irish hubbub " came to mean any savage war- 
cry, tumult or turmoil. 


No. 29. Juncks etts [and other] China Vessels. 


Having before in severall places Mentioned Juncks 
ett[s]. China vessells, I have here sett some sorts of 
such as I have scene, viz. 

[Mundy's description of Illustration No. 29.] 

Admirall of the Kings Fleete etts. greatt Juncke. 

A : The Forme of the Admirall Juncke^ thatt came 
unto us as wee wente towards Cantan. They have no 
topsailes, only Mainsaile and Foresaile of Cajanes* and 
Bambooes, made like Mattes, which instead of taking in, 
they lett Falle in plates one uppon another as lettre B. 
This had 2 things on their heads of their Mast, somwhatt 
like toppes ; others had butt one, and Most of them 
None. The better sort had Falce galleries, all of them 
Doores in their broadsides. Furnished with Drakes, such 
smalle gunnes as wee tooke outt of the Castle. They 
saile very swifft and will lye Nearer the winde then wee 
can, turne and tacke sodainely, their sailes (whither 
afore or abaft the Mast) all one like hoyesailes*, high 
sided, hard to enter, there beeing Nothin to hold by, 
weakly plancked and timbred and about [blank] tonnes 
burthen the bigger sort. These are the Kings Men of 
Warre hereaboutts in this River and Creeks adjoyning. 

^ The term junk (Malay ajong, jong, a large ship) is applied by 
Europeans to Chinese vessels of all sorts. The generic Cantonese 
word for a ship, boat or junk is shim. 

^ Cantonese, shui-sz-sMin, Admiral's ship. Cf. Father Magaillans, 
History of China, p. 129: "Among the King's Barks, those which are 
call'd So chuen are employ'd to carry the Mandarins to their several 
Governments. These are made like our Caravels, but high, and so 
well Painted . . . thatthey resemble Buildings erected for some publick 
Solemnity, rather than ordinary Hoy's." 

For other travellers' descriptions of Chinese vessels, see Mendoza 
(1588), ed. Staunton, i. 148 — 150 ; Montanus (c. 1660), pp. 608 — 612 ; 
Dampier (1687), i. 412^ — 413 ; Le Comte, Travels in China (1688), pp. 
230 — 231 ; Du Halde (1735), 11. 89 — -90. 

* See ante, note on p. 132. 

* That is, square sails in one piece. The hoy was a small vessel, 
usually rigged as a sloop, but Mundy is describing the ordinary 
square sail of Oriental river boats. 


Skulling Men of Warre. 

B : Another sort of Men of warre, having as it 
were a gallery From stemme to sterne without board, 
made of Bamboes, wherin men stand to skulle, some 8 
or 9 oares of a side and 2 or 3 Men att an oare, which 
beareth on a pin, and the end of the handle fastned with 
a string to the vessells side. The blade beeing heaviest, 
weyeth uppe the handle, which beeing tied, can goe 
noe Farther as thus : 

They skull with great swifftnesse allmoste holding way 
with our barge. These wee call skulling Juncks, beeing 
small vessells, their Decks and coverings rounding ^ 

A vessell under saile. 

C : A vessell under saile, one saile lying one way 
and the other tother, and one before the Mast and the 
other abaft^. 

A vessell att Anchor. 

D : A vessell at an Anchore with her saile lowered 
and lying in plates, their Cables generally off Rattanes 
and Killicks^ with great stones For Anchors. 

A labouring boate. 

E : A poore mans boate by which he getteth his 
living either by Fishing or transporting or carrying 

^ These vessels would now be classed as kiin-shiln, government 

- Cantonese, wai-pang-shiln. See Warrington Smyth, Masi and 
Sail, p. 401. 

^ Killick, a heavy stone used on small vessels {wai-pang-shiin) as 
a substitute for an anchor. 


goodes, where hee keepeth house with his Family, soe 
thatt not only himselffe, but his wiffe with a Child att 
her backe (which is as good as rocking For it), with 
the rest of the Children, alle putt hand to the Oare^ 
This representts a watcheboate with a Portugall sitting 
in her, hired ; of these Many aboutt and in Macao^ : 

A little long prow. 

F : A smalle little low long Narrow shallow prow, 
which wee saw aboutt Macao. I know not For whatt 
use, appearing to sightt like a long peece of timber 
Floating on the water 3, 

Manchooas or vessells for recreation etts. service. 

G : Manchooas* or small vessells of recreation, used 
by the Portugalls here, as allsoe att Goa, pretty handsome 
things resembling little Frigatts, Many curiously carved, 
guilded and painted, with little beake heads. 

The China vessells before mentioned are used here 
aboutt Macao and the River of Cantan in smooth waters. 
Other formes there are, greatt and smalle, with high 

1 This represents the family boat, chii-kd-t'eng. 

^ Mundy seems to have omitted this boat from his drawing. He 
probably meant to depict a guard-boat or revenue cruiser, chun-shiin 
I am indebted for this and the above identifications of boats to Mr 
M. C. Jame. 

^ The dragon-boat or skiff of the Canton River, lung-shun. Compare 
Magaillans, p. 130 : " There are other Vessels call'd L'am chuen, very 
light and small in Comparison of the other, and which are almost as 
broad as they are long . . . These are for the use of the Men of learn- 
ing, and other wealthy Persons and People of Quality." 

* Manchua. This term is very interesting, as it is properly the 
Portuguese name for a large cargo-boat on the West Coast of India, 
taken from the native generic names for sea-going boats from Gujarat 
to Cochin — the machhwd, a fishing and also cargo-boat, the manja 
(Malayalam, manji), a large cargo -boat, the mahdngiri, a large machhwd 
used for a trading boat. The term mandnia has apparently been 
transferred to the Far East by the Portuguese to represent the Cantonese 
term, man-shihi, a sea-going trading vessel. From Mundy's description, 
the Portuguese also applied the term manchua to a pleasure sailing 
vessel which they used at Macao. The earliest quotatioii for manchua 
is from Correa (c. 1512), i. 281. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Manchua ; 
Bombay Gazetteer (Thana), vol. xiii pt. 2, pp. 719 — 720. 


boarded sides, able to endure the Sea in foule wether, 
as the vessells of the Chincheos etts. ; others thatt 
trafficke abroad viz., To Japane, Mannilla, Java etts., 
called Somars\ 

The Chinois come to parley. 

The i^th of August [1637] • Came a petty Mandareene ^ 
with a flagge of Truce. Hee came from the higher 
powers to know our grievances, which having told him, 
hee then promised to Doe his best thatt wee Mightt 
have our Desires, viz., Free trade, a Commodious place 
For our shippes and a house on shoare For our selves 

1 The term " somar, soma, somme," for a vessel in the China 

Sea, was in general use from the end of the i6th to the middle of the 

i8th century as the following extracts -will show. 

1609. — " Usually there come from great China to Manila a large 
number of somas and junks, which are large ships laden 
with merchandise." De Morga, p. 337. 

1622.^ — " They also told the King, they thought verily all our Fugitives 
[from Japan] were secretly conveyed from Langasaque 
[Nagasaki] seven daies past in a Soma." Relation of Master 
Richard Cockes in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. Maclehose, 

III- 537- 
1636. — " In May 1633 there went forth from the Province of Chincheo 
40 vessels, which they style Somas, to Manila laden with 
goods." Lisbon Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Trans- 
lations, vol. XI., letter of 7th March 1636 N.S. 
1687. — " We were on board a small Chinese Vessel, called a Somme 

by the Portuguese." Le Comte, p. 7. 
1 75 1. — " Junks, called ... in the Portuguese language Soma or 
Sommes, are the greater vessels, about 200 ft. long and 20 
broad." Osbeck, Voyage to China, i. 195. 
Lacerda, Portuguese Dictionary, defines somma as " a sort of small 
ship, used in the island of Japan," and soma as " an Asiatic term, a 
sort of ship." The word does not, however, appear to be either Malay, 
Chinese or Japanese, but (like manchua) a Portuguese form taken from 
one of the names for coasting vessels on the West Coast of India. 
Shuvill represents a machhwil in the South Konkan. A large form of 
it is called a shibilr (Gujarat!, chibiTr), from Persian shlhibilr, the royal 
carrier, and is the largest of the fast sailing coasters on the West Coast. 
In the 17th century these were armed and used as minor fighting 
vessels by both the natives and the English. See Bombay Gazetteer 
(Thana), vol. xiii. pt. I. pp. 343, 348 — -349 ; Strachey, Keigwin's 
Rebellion, \>. 37, &c. 

^ From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.), we learn that the envoy who came in answer to the letter 
sent on the 13th August, was " A Mandryn of noe great note (some- 
times a Portugal! Christian), called Paulo Noretty [Pablo Noretti]." 


to inhabitt, in all which, and whatt elce wee could 
Demaund in reason, hee Doubted nott butt would bee 
obteyned easily and speedily. Wee on the other side 
promised full satisfaction and restitution of all hindrances 
and Dammages past, and to Confirme Freindshippe 
with them hereafter. Soe hee Departed ^ and wee 
released the salt Juncke. 

Weddell's version of the above interview {O.C. 1662). 

The 15 August came one Paulo Norette [Pablo 
Noretti], a Mandereen who formerlie had bene a 
servant and broker in Mocao, whoe beinge abused 
by the Portingalls fled to Cantan and served the 
Generall of the Cittie of Mocao Called Campeyn 
[Tsung-ping, governor]. This man Came abourd 
of us with a flagge of truce and wee entertayned 
him Verie curteouslie and demaunded his message 
[which] was that he Came with warrant from the 
great Mandereens in Cantan to know the reason 
of our cominge into their partes, and what wee 
desired. We told him wee were English men and 
Came to seeke a trade with them in a faire way of 
merchandizinge, but wee had beene abused by 
some of the under Mandereens and some of our 
men slayne by them, and for that Cause wee were 
Constrayned to doe what wee had done. He said 
that the Great Mandereens knewe nothinge of it, 
but if wee would Consent to deliver up the gunnes 
and other materialls which wee had taken out of 
the Castle, hee would goe up to the Mandereens 
Champain [Tsung-ping], his master, and acquainte 
him with the businesse, and hee doubted not but wee 
should have our desire, and he would be the meanes 
to procure it, provided that wee would pay the 
Kinges duties as the Portingalls did. All this 
wee gave him under our hands. 

^ According to the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. Lxiii.), he was presented with " certaine giftes " and dismissed 
' ' to his Masters, who were some of the cheife Mandryns rideinge about 
a pointe off land not farr from us." 


Some of our Merchantts with a presentt goe 
uppe to Cantan. 

The i6th Ditto [August 1637]. Came the said 
Mandareene and Desired thatt 2 mightt bee appointed 
to goe along with him to Cantan there to putt in our 
petition 1, wherein hee would assist us to the uttermost 
of his power, and would worcke the Portugalls whatt 
Mischeiffe hee could, by reason, as hee said, they had 
wrongued and Disgraced him and would have sold him 
as a slave. Hee now lives with the Cheeompee [Tsung- 
ping], a greatt Man in this province, having wiffe and 
Children at Macao, and had served the Portugall[s] these 
6 or 7 yeeres For Jurabasse^ or interpreter att their 
Mart att Cantan ^ where they Make an annuall invest- 
mentt of 1,500,000 taies [tael], which is Nere to 1,000,000 
of Ryall [of] eightt*. Uppon these his wordes, Mr John 
Mountney and Mr Thomas Robinson, who had formerly 
bin part of the way in the pinnace Anne, wentt Now 
with the said Mandareene in his owne Juncke^ They 
carried with them For presentt a Ritche embrodered 
[ornamented] Cabinett, a bason and Ewer of Silver, etts., 
Soe thatt Now there appeared some hopes of setling a 
trade in these parts. 

1 The Continuation of the China Voyage {op. cit.) says that Noretti 
returned " the same night With a small Joncke and full author! tie 
to carry upp such as should be appointed to Canton, there to tender 
a petition and to conclude farther upon the manner of our future 

^ M.al3.y juru-balulsa (master of speech), interpreter. 

^ Noretti was a Chinese who had been converted to Christianity 
by the Portuguese and employed by them as an interpreter. In 1636, 
he relapsed and left their service, and was said to have been guilty of 
deceit and malpractices. See the letters of December 1637 to King 
Charles I. and to the Viceroy of Goa in Appendix E. 

* Mundy is here reckoning the tael at 10 mace and the real of eight 
(Spanish dollar) at about seven mace, as per his table given at the end 
of Relation XKWi. 

^ Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that " one Charles Webb accompanied 
Robinson and John Mountney, and that they " went not out of the 
Junke that night." 

The Boca Tigris, 1637. 

No. 6 

No. 7 

First Chophouse 

South Shore Tu/t /^ 
or Chophouse ^^X..?" 

The First Bar, 1637. 


They returne From thence. 

The igth [August 1637]. Aboutt Midnightt our 
Merchantts returned From Cantan with the people of 
the sallt Juncke which wee had Formerly sentt, Ours 
having had audience and promise to grauntt their 
reasonable requests, Desiring them to returne to their 
shippes, where there should bee appointed certaine 
Mandareens of quallity to treat with us aboutt Capitu- 
lationes^ of trade. This they said they were told. 

Further details of the visit to Canton {Continuation of 
the China Voyage, Marine Records, vol. lxiii.). 

T6th August 1637. John Mounteney and Thomas 
Robinson passed upp the river, and the next eveninge 
arryved att the cittye, anchoringe close under the 
walls in sight of the pallace of Champin, the Admyrall 

18//^ August 1637. On the morrow, haveinge 
procured a petition to be formally drawne by the 
meanes of the said Noretty^ (who after shalbe styled 
our Keby or Broker) », they were called ashoare 
about 3 in the afternoone and received into the 
pallace, with many great shott and chambers*. 
Passing through a treble guard placed in 3 courts 5, 
and att length comeinge in sight of the Cheefs there 

^ An obsolete term indicating the making of an agreement, terms or 

^ Weddell says [O.C. 1662) that the petition (which is given below) 
was " drawne in China languadge and by them [Robinson and Mount- 
ney] signed." 

* " Keby " obviously represents the Portuguese form " queve " 
(see the Petition given below), meaning a go-between. The Cantonese 
form is kan-pan, one who attends, attendant interpreter. The proper 
Cantonese term for a broker is king-ki, one who understands the business. 

* " With many great shott and chambers " appears to mean, 
" where were many great and small cannon." " Shot " and "chamber " 
are both obsolete terms, the former for cannon and firearms generally 
and the latter for a small piece of ordnance without a carriage, used 
to fire salutes. See the O.E.D. for definitions and examples. 

* According to Weddell (O.C. 1662), the guard numbered 2000 
armed men. 

M. III. 14 


assembled ^ they were willed, according to the Cuntry 
Custome, to Sumba or kneeled and Thomas Robin- 
son, houldinge the petition att large [unfolded] 
extended upon his head^ delivered it to Noretty 
to Carry up to Champin. The contents wherof be 
soe reasonable, as before specified, he presently 
[immediately] consented unto, and promised his 
uttmost assistance, blameinge the treacherye of the 
Portugalls, whom he taxed as Authors, by their 
slanders, of all the precedent inconveniences ; and 
indeed he hath ever since continued our fast frend, 
as by the sequell wilbe evident*. 

Copy of the First Petition made by the English to 

the Mandarins of Canton this year, 1637 ^ 

{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.). 

The Mandarin who comes from the West" to buy 
and sell, and the others, send this petition. Desiring 
to reside in this Kingdom and above all to buy 
and sell, which, though we live in the West, we 
can do with justice and ability, having come here 
now eight years ^ Therefore we came to the bar- 

1 Weddell says [O.C. 1662) that there were two Mandarins and that 
the English were halted about " a shippes length from them." 

^ See ante, note on p. 88. 

^ Weddell, however, says {O.C. 1662) that the petition was 
" hanginge about their neck " and " was presentlie fetched from 

* In the letter of 19th December 1637 {Courteen Papers, Appendix 
D), it is said that it was agreed that the English should pay " for 
this present investment loooo Rs. of 8, to be devided amongst the 
Mandereens, and if wee setled, then to pay as the Portingalls did 
which is 30000 yearly." 

* There are two copies of this document in the Lisbon Transcripts at 
the India Office. One bears the title given above and the other is 
entitled, " Copy of the first Chapa " and is undated. It is undoubtedly 
the petition drawn up by Pablo Noretti and presented to the 
Mandarins, at Canton by Thomas Robinson and John Mountney on 
the 1 8th August, as related above. 

* This title seems to refer to Captain John Weddell, the head of 
the expedition. 

' An incorrect statement. The first English attempt to trade with 
China was in 1635 when, as previously stated (see note on p. 167), the 
London made a voyage to Macao under the wing of the Portuguese. 


barians of Macau i, that they might show us the way, 
and tell us what to bring. But they are false and 
treacherous by their Oueves^, who collect for them 
every year much silver, and they also take our 
silver, amounting many years to ten thousand 
[taels] ^ and as those of Macau did not wish to take 
our silver to make use of it as they had always 
done, they (those of Macau) put poison in the food 
they gave us, and killed over forty of our men, and 
sent us to the Gate of the Tiger [Boca Tigris] ; 
and there the mandarins refusing to receive us, 
by favour of the Haitao and Cumpim [Tsung-ping], 
Norete [Pablo Noretti] came with a chapa [chhap, 
license] and brought the goods with the price of the 
silver, and this with a warm heart and true, and 
no deceit ; and there was no deception in the 
provisions they brought us. 

Later, the Paoye* sent a Fanu^ to bid us depart 
for Macau to trade there, and we were wilhng, but 
fearing that those of Macau had evil designs upon 
us, and would take our silver, we who are simple 
and honest folk, feared that they would kill us. 

Now we are six persons here to deal with this 
matter, and the stores and all things are available 
without hindrance. We now desire that two of 
us, together with Nourete, shall go to our ships 
and bring twenty thousand tais [taels] for the 
King's treasury, the weighing to be done openty 
as in Macau, which silver we desire shall be delivered 
in presence of the Queves and the barbarians of 
Macau ; and the other four men to remain in 
Canton until our return ; and when all is settled 
they may depart, and we shall be thereby free 
and discharged. 

Agrees with the original. 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

1 The Portuguese. In Chinese parlance all nations besides them- 
selves were " barbarians " or " redhaired barbarians." 
^ See note ^ on p. 209. 

^ This statement seems to be an invention on the part of Noretti. 
* Cantonese, T'au-yan, the Chief, i.e., Domingos da Camara. 
^ Cantonese, Fan-tin, a deputy district magistrate, small official. 

14 — 2 


A Patent for trade with the Chinois : The effect 

The 2ith [August 1637]. Our Mandareene came 
againe, Bringuing with him From the Aytao, Chompee 
[Hai-tao, Tsung-ping], etts., (greatt Men att Cantan), a 
patent or firmaen [farmdn] in China writings pasted on 
a greatt board such as are usu[a]lly carried before Men 
off office ^ The effect thereof (as hee himselffe inter- 
preted unto us) was Thatt in regard the Portugall had 
Denied us att [Pall] trade att Macao, And thatt wee had 
bin forced to seeke For itt hither, and wilHng to pay the 
Kings Duties, They graunted us Free leave to buy and 
sell any Comodity in their Country, appointing us the 
Choice of 3 severall places Fort [? for] our shippes to Ride 
in^ AUsoe power and authority to Mandareene Tonpuan* 
the bearer therof, otherwise called Paolo Nurette, to 
Negotiate Further and assist us in all things (it is the 
same who came to parley with us, viz., the Jurabasse 
aforementioned), And therefore hee Desired thatt 2 
or 3 Merchantts Might bee ready to goe uppe with him 
within a Dale or two unto Cantan there to provide whatt 
they should see Needffull, as gold, Muske, Raw silke, 
stuffes, etts. [and other] fine goods ; And as For Sugar, 
Porcelane, greene ginger, China rootes^ etts. course 

1 The Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) 
says that they returned on the 20th August. Weddell adds {O.C. 
1662) that the farman permitted " the lodinge of 4 shippes, payinge 
to the Kinge such a somme of money yearely." Noretti was, however, 
giving a false interpretation to the document. See the translation 
{infra) which was afterwards furnished to the English by a Jesuit. 

^ See ante, note on p. 171. 

' The Continuation of the China Voyage {op. cit.), however, states 
that the farmdn gave them " Free trade and liberty to fortifie upon 
any Convenient [place] without the mouth of the river." 

* T'lmg-p'an, Assistant Sub-Prefect. 

^ The drug known as Smilax pseudo-china or China-root of the 
South, Cantonese lang-fan-idu, which should not be confused with 
Radix Chines and Tuber Chinee, fu-ling, Cantonese fuk-ling {Pachyma 
cocos). See Garcia da Orta, ed. Markhams, pp. 378 — 388 ; Montanus, 
p 678. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 120, remarks: "China Root 


commodities, they were to bee had hereaboutts. Where- 
uppon, thatt Nightt all the gunnes lately taken From 
the plattfforme were restored againe and the other 
Juncke with her people were released, and restitution 
made off all whatt elce had bin taken From them^. 
Soe Nurette Departed For thatt Nightt : 

The 22th [August 1637]. Our Mandareene came 
againe and said the Tootan who is viceroy^ of this Province 
of Cantan, beeing New Confirmed, Was going in circuit 
to visitt his governementt, and had sentt For him, soe 
of Necessity must goe to him, and thatt hee would inf orme 
him of us and soe procure his confirmation of our patentt 

[The correct rendering of the official document of the 

Mandarins of Canton, dated August 1637, falsely 

interpreted by Noretti.] 

{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.). 

Copy of the Chapa of the Aitao and Cumprim [Hai-tao 

and Tsung-ping), which was sent from 

Canton and is as follows. 

The Aitao of [the country] called China and the 

As it is well to know the instructions given 
concerning the information communicated to us 
by the Mandarins of Canton, that four ships of 
barbarians with red hair had come thither from 
afar, and upon their arrival had anchored within 
the Mouth of the Tiger [Boca Tigris] ; who, upon 
being questioned as to their business, vomited 

should be large, weighty, and sound, without Worm-holes ; white 
or reddish within ; but I know no Difference in its Goodness for the 
Colour. It grows in the Ground like Ginger or Potatos." See Osbeck, 
Voyage to China, i. 195, 255. 

^ Weddell {O.C. 1662) gives the number as " 35 peeces," and says 
that the restitution was " well taken by the Great Mandereenes." 
The Continuation of the China Voyage {op. cit.), adds that " a seeminge 
peace on all sides Ensued." 

^ Tu-t'ung, one of the titles of a Viceroy. 


from their mouth that they had received hcense 
from three Mandarins to hold intercourse and to 
trade. And that they now asked those Mandarins 
who had given them this promise, that should there 
be any other Mandarin who with his soldiers should 
impede them in this matter, they should be held 
as mortal enemues. 

And the Mandarin of the Mouth of the Tiger 
advised the Cumprim, who is the Commander-in- 
Chief, of other matters relating to this question. 
And the latter upon hearing this, equipped a thousand 
soldiers and some tens of mortars to drive them out, 
and intimate to them that entry to buy and sell 
would not be given them, as is notorious to all. 

And after telling them this many times, and that 
they must return to their kingdom, and that we 
would not allow them to come and disturb our lands, 
this same notice was afifixed at the Mouth of the 
Tiger, where they had asked for means of trading. 
Because, having to ask this of us, permission should 
have been asked of the OrganchantyS the Aitao 
and the Cumprim^, so that they might consult with 
the Visitador [Judicial Inspector] and Viceroy ; and 
had they given license, then it might have been 
[confirmed] . 

But coming by force and against my will and 
permission may not be done in this land by those 
who come hither to trade. And seeing that some 
profit may be made, they are dazzled and deceive 
the lower classes. And you do not know the laws 
of China, for in China there are very strict laws, 
and he who breaks them knows no pardon ; there- 
fore nothing could be stricter. 

And I command as far as I may, and for this 
purpose I dispatch the Mandarin who bears this 
sentence, who will forthwith give this order to the 
ships of the red-haired barbarians, and upon receiv- 
ing this our order they shall instantly weigh anchor 
and put out to the open sea. For you have shown 
great daring in attempting to trade by force with 

^ On-chat-sz, a provincial (criminal) judge. 
* See ante, note on p. 177. 


US, we having forbidden it ; and in so doing you 
appear to me to be like puppies and goats who have 
no learning and no reason. 

One or two of your men, like men without sense, 
have pressed this business upon me and the Com- 
mander-in-Chief that we should consider what you 
are doing ; therefore I warn you that should 
you have the great boldness to harm so much as 
a blade of grass or a piece of wood, I promise you 
that my soldiers shall make an end of you, and not 
a shred of your sails shall remain, should you do 
such a thing ; and you shall have no time for 
repentance and your sin shall not be forgiven. 

This is a faithful rendering of what is in the 
Chapa, this day, 27th October 1637 [N.S. = i7 
October O.S.], 

Bento de Matthesi 


Agrees with the original 

Domingos de Figueiredo. 

The Pinnace Anne sentt to Discover a Place For 
our shippes. 

This Day The Pinnace Anne was Dispeeded to view, 
the places appointed For our shipping as aforementioned^ 
There went in her to this purpose Mr Thomas WooUman 
Master of the Sunne, my selffe and an interpreter. Unto 
the one wee wentt nott, itt beeing too Neare Macao 
The 2d was an Hand called Quittaoo, a wilde open roade*. 

1 The translator is referred to by Mundy in Relation xxvi. (infra) 
as " a Jesuitt skillfull in the Chinese tongue," but it was some time 
before the English could be induced to accept his version of the docu- 
ment instead of Noretti's. 

* The Continuation of the China Voyage [Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) 
says it was on the 23rd August that the "Ann was sent to scearch out 
some Hand without the river, which might be Convenient to settle 

^ If by " Quittaoo " is meant Kwai-tau (Tortoise Head), an islet 
of the Kaipong Islands, lying on the outside of the estuary of the 
Canton River, Mundy is right. The place would have been in every 
way unsuitable. 


The last was Chacwan lying Near unto LantauS which 
had 2 bales ; the one of them had Deepe water butt 
held unffitt, the other More commodious but shallow. 
However, this last was held the best For presentt, in 
regard of its Nearnesse unto Lantao and a Number of 
townes lying along the shoare, which they say is the 
Maine of China. This place is aboutt lo leagues From 
Fumaone, an [? and] Nantee or Lanteea [Lintin], a 
round Hand, lyieth aboutt the Medway beetweene this 
Chacwan and Ouittaoo aforesaid^. 

Her Returne to the Fleete. Our Cape Merchantt 
with others gon uppe to Cantan. 
The 26th currantt [August 1637]. By 2 in the Morning 
wee came backe to our Fleete, and here wee understood 
how Mr Nathaniell Mountney, our cape Merchantt 3, 
with his Brother Mr Jno. Mountney and Mr Robbinson 
afforesaid, and 2 or 3 attendantts were gon uppe to 
Cantan with Sir [Senhor, Mr] Paolo [Pablo Noretti], 
the 24th in the Morning, and had Carried Much treasure 
with them*. 

The Dragon lost 3 men. 
In our absence the shipp Dragon lost 3 Men, viz., 
the First by a Consumption. The 2d by a blow on the 

1 " Chacwan " may represent Shakwan on the northern or Fan- 
si-ak Channel of the Canton river. If so, " Lantau " in this case 
indicates Lantau or Tai-ho Island at the mouth of the estuary, and 
not Wantong near Boca Tigris. 

2 The distance between Shakwan and Fumaon, a village near 
Wantong Forts, is roughly that given by Mundy, and Lintin [Ling-ting, 
Lonely] Island lies, as he states, about midway between Shakwan 
and Kwai-tau. 

* Cape-merchant, head merchant or supercargo ; in this case 
used in the former sense. Nathaniel Mountney was the chief com- 
mercial agent of the expedition. See ante, p. 20. 

^ Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that the " treasure " amounted to 
" 12 Chestes," and the letter of 19th December 1637 {Courteen Papers, 
Appendix D) gives the amount as 22000 reals of 8, besides two small 
" Chestes of Japan plate whereof loooo for the Mandereens, and the 
rest for imployment." This document also states that the merchants 
had only two attendants " for more the Mandereene would not Consent 
should goe." These were Simon Grey and Charles Webb. 


head with the Corner of a shovell^ which broke his 
skulle aboutt 20 Daies since, not much complayning 
of it till of late, and then to late. For Notwithstanding 
the skill and Dilligence of all the Surgeons in the Fleete 
by applying the trapana (an Iron instrumentt to cutt 
outt a peece of a Mans Scull), with all other remedies 
they could ; yett he Died. The 3d, a Jersey Man, 
who going to give a rope to the skiffe, holding with one 
hand on the gallery, a peece of it gave way, Soe thatt 
hee fell into the sea, suncke Downe right, rose noe More 
and perished, it beeing impossible to releive him. 

Lettres from our Merchantts att Cantan. 

The 28th [August 1637]. Alettre came From our prin- 
cipalis att Cantan, signiffying of their saffe arrivall with 
health. And how they were introduced into the Citty 
in the habitt of Chinois, butt as yett nott a word of trade. 

Account of the reception of the merchants at Canton 

{Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine 

Records, vol. Lxiii.), 

2^th August 1637. Mr Nathaniel Mounteney, 
John Mounteney and Thomas Robinson, with a 
quantitie of Rialls, Cloth, etts. Presents, passed upp 
the river, and after 2 dayes were (late in the Eveninge) 
in China habitts conveyed, togeather with their 
goods and Servants, into the suburbs of the Citty, 
and lodged in a verry Convenient howse^, off all 
which they advized downe to the Shipps the next 
day. And then, out of hand, haveinge first paid 
10 thowsand Rialls of 8, agreed upon for Custome 
and Duties, they began to bargaine for Sugar, 
Ginger, Stuffs, etc. insomuch that in 5 daies they 

^ According to the Continuation of the China Voyage {op. cit.), the 
wound was inflicted, " as was supposed, by one of his Consortes." 

* Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that the merchants were conveyed 
into the city in " Mandareens Clothes " by Noretti, who " brought 
them to a kinsmans howse of his, and there lodged them." 


had procured the quantitie of 80 Tonne Sugar, 
besides Ginger and other merchandize and pro- 
visions for the Shipps, and had given out monies 
accordinge to the use of the Cuntry for verry great 
parcells, with much encouragements 

But the mahcious treachery and base designes 
of the Portugalls, who slept not in that interim, 
but by all means plotted their destruction, had soe 
prevailed with the covetuous nature of Hittow 
[Hai-tao] and some others, that a private plott of 
Mischeife against ours was soe secretly contryved 
that they wist not therof till they were fallen into 
the snare. Itt is true that some did really suspect 
it and expressed it to Captain Weddell, but they 
being the parties bound to that sacrifice, were 
constrayned both to silence and sufferance, least 
either the voyadge might be pretended to be 
damnified by their neglect, as was threatned to 
be protested against them, or they taxed of tymour- 
ousness iff not of trecherie. And this only because 
they demaunded securitie for their Persons which 
might then have easily been obtayned. 

Leave Craved to come farther uppe with our shippes : 
Not graunted. 

The 2gth of August [1637]. ^Y selfe and one More 
were sent to the Mandareene off the Fleete of Junckes 
to Crave leave to come farther uppe with our shippes 
For our More security. Butt our answear was, hee 
was a Servaunt and could nott of himselffe Doe any 
thing in thatt kind For his head^ Soe wee retourned 
with thatt answear and exceeding Fowle weather, the 
Junckes beeing gotte into a Creeke with each 4 or 5 

^ Weddell adds, " They had silke stuffes of all sorts, raw silke, 
muske, gold Chaines, &ca. brought to their Lodginge, as all other 
sortes of goods," but the letter of 19th December 1637 {Courteen 
Papers, Appendix D) adds that they were kept closely to the house, 
were not even allowed to look " out of our doores," were only per- 
mitted to see samples of goods and had no opportunity of inspecting 
them in the bulk or supervising the weighing of them. 

* If it were to save his head. 


quillicksi (instead of Anchors) ahead, their cables of 
rattanes, expecting a Hurracane, by them called Tuffaon 
[typhoon], it beeing a violent stresse of winde happning 
some yeares. 

Wee come farther uppe to Tayffoo. 

The ^oth [Atigust 1637]. Notwithstanding such an- 
swear, Wee wayed From Fumaone and Came under a 
Cloven hill on a small Hand called TayffooS aboutt 2 
mile farther uppe, where wee rode under the said hill 
in a very comodious harbour close to the shoare, the 
water by the shippes side good. Fresh and Sweete, it 
beeing of the River of Cantan. 

A fine towne built of oyster shells. 

[315^ August 1637]. The last currantt wee went to 
seeke some provision, a Matter of 2 or 3 leagues higher 
towards the Rivers Mouth, att a towne called Muncoo', 
where wee gotte butt little. All the houses here which 
wee saw, and those not a few, were built off Oyster 
shells, which beeing aboutt a Foot long and the buildings 
uniforme, the[y] shewed very handsome. They are 
laid thwart, one length serving For the breadth or 
thicknesse of the walle*. 

Odde Kindes of Fishing. 

Here on the Dry oaze (of which there is very Much 
among these Hands) they used 2 or 3 kindes of Fishing 
not ordinary. One was, a Man or boy on a board off 
3 or 4 Foote long and i broade, with a baskett or tubbe 

1 Killicks. See ante, note on p. 204. 

^ Tai-fu, Tiger Island, lit., the great tiger. In Mundy's later 
allusions to this island, he confuses its name with its shape and calls 
it " Tayfoo or Cloven Island." 

' " Muncoo " appears to represent the name of a village, probably 
situated near the Second Bar. 

* See ante, p. 193. 


with him, and sitting thereon with one of his legges 
thrusting on the oaze, would give himselffe greatt way. 
Making the said board to shde Forward, which caused 
a small kind of Fish thatt lies on the oaze to skippe 
and leape, wherof some fall into his said tubbe ; how 
otherwise I know not. Of these small leaping Fishes 
there are in all these hotte Countries, and may bee 
termed Sea grashoppers : allwaies Near the brincke 
of the water or on the oase^ 

Another way to catch the said Fish is with an angling 
rodde and a hooke att itt like a grapnell, with which they 
would lightly and Nimbly whiske or fling on the said 
oaze, and in some places where the said little Fish lay 
very thicke, hee would hither and catch some of them 
on his hooke. Both these waies wee saw, butt itt may 
bee the taking of the Fish may Differ in the Manner 

Advice from our Merchantts att Cantan to goe 
lower Downe : Not Followed. 
The First of September [1637]. Came another lettre 
From our Merchantts att Cantan, where all[r]eady 

^ Most of the early European travellers to China, from Mendoza 
onwards, have full descriptions of fishing with cormorants (a method 
which evidently did not come under Mundy's observation), but no 17th 
century writer, so far as I know, alludes to the practice of catching 
fry in the Canton River, as narrated in the text. It is, however, 
noticed by Osbeck, who describes it (in 1751) with some variation : — 
" The Chinese here [at Whampoa] catch fish, by putting up mats 
along the shore, while the tide is in, which hinder the fry from returning 
with the ebb. As soon as the water has fallen, many people were 
seen wading up to the knees in the blue clayey ground mixed with 
sand, after the little fry, which jumped about in the mud like lizards ; 
but when they saw no means of saving themselves, they crept a foot 
deep into the oozy ground, not without the knowledge of the Chinese, 
who took care to observe them, and pulled them out with their hands ; 
these fish, fryed in oil, are the principal food of the poor, besides 
rice. . . ." {Voyage to China, i. 199 — 201). 

By " Sea grasshoppers " Mundy means the walking or jumping 
fish (Periophthalmus), of which various species are found in great 
numbers on the mud fiats at the mouths of rivers in the tropics. They 
are closely allied to the gobies [Gobius) with which Osbeck, op. cit., 
confuses them. He gives their Chinese names as " Fay-ye " and 
" Tan-noao," i.e.,fai-ye, the jumpers and ian-nau, the mud fussers. 


newes was carried of our Comming uppe to Tayffoo, 
Desiring us to returne againe to our old roade of Fumaone 
For awhile, advising allsoe thatt they beegan to Make 
investmentt, having allready boughtt 2U0001 peeces 
[loaves] of sugar to come Downe the next Day. Not- 
withstanding their advice to goe lower Downe, yett 
wee lay still. 

Some lading sent aboard and provision. 

The ^th cwrant [September 1637]. Came Mr Robinson 
and Nurette From Cantan, and the Next Day came 
much sugar For lading^ and provisione For the shoppes 
[ ? shippes], among the rest the Chineses broughtt to 
sell peares, Chestnutts, Dried leecheeas as sweete as 
any Raysins of the Sunne* ; they allsoe Make of them 
indifferent good Wyne. 

The Citty of Macao send a protest unto us : Slighted, 
and accordingly answered. 

The 6th September [1637]. Came 3 China skilling 
[sculling] Junckes with many Portugalls and Mestizoes 
[half-breeds]. They came From Macao and broughtt 
a protest From the Generall and Councell of thatt Citty, 
Declaring therin thatt excepte wee would Depart the 
Coast they would complaine to both our Kings and 
require satisfaction For all Dammages allready receaved 

^ For a note on this sign for thousand, see ante, p. 140. 

^ From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.), we learn that Robinson brought " 2 Joncks laden with 
suger, &c." and an order from Mountney " for the bringinge upp of 
6 chests of Rialls of 8." Weddell {O.C. 1662) adds that they brought 
70 tonnes of goods," also that Noretti " promised to lode us all 
within a moneth after his Comeing downe ... so that our businesse 
went verie fairelie forward, and wee had about 20 China Carpenters 
Came from Cantan to make Chestes to pack up sugar and sugar Candie, 
which Cost ijd. per pound and as white as snowe." 

* See ante, p. 162 for Mundy's previous reference to this fruit, 
and for additional descriptions, see Semedo, p. 5 ; Le Comte, p. 96 ; 
Du Halde, i. 16, 155. 


and thatt hereafter Might bee occasioned through our 
Comming. The said protest was forthwith answeared 
in a shghting Manner, referring them to our better leisure 
to give them a larger Manifestation of the Just cause 
and reason of our Comming and abiding. With this 
answear they Departed. They came very well provided 
with Portugalls Mestizoes and slaves armed, butt to 
whatt purpose wee knew nott, they alleadging they 
came soe For their Deffence. There beeing Many 
outlawes and searobbers among all those Hands and 

[The Protest from Macao.] 

7th September 1637 [N.S. = 28th August O.S.]. 

{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. iv.). 

Most Illustrious Sirs, Commander and Factor of 
the English Fleet. 

Your happy arrival at this port on the 7th of 
July [27th June O.S.] of this year 1637, we welcomed 
in accordance with the peace and friendship which 
to-day reigns between the most powerful King of 
England and his Catholic Majesty King Philip, our 
Lord, whom God preserve for many years. It is 
true that this joy was not perfect, as it was not 
within our power to welcome, treat and serve your 
Worships, either as our friends whom we greatly 
esteem, or as vassals of so powerful a King deserve, 
for we are not in a land which belongs to our King, 
nor in a city won in a just war, but in one which 
we hold through the good will of the King of England, 
I should say China, and we are necessarily dependent 
on him, not only in weighty matters, but in the most 
trifling details of our ordinary government, daily 
maintenance, and the trade by which we live. 

1 The Continuation of the China Voyage says that the junks arrived 
" under colour of bringinge a Protest against us for forceinge a trade 
in that river . . . but the Chief cause of their Comeinge (as soone 
after was manifest) was to awaite the issue of their most treacherous 
stratagem, which they had privately, by the Connivance of Hittow 
\_Hai-tao'\, contrived against us." 


For which reason your Worships being sighted 
off this port, the Captain-General of this cit}/ sent 
directions for you to anchor outside and await 
definite orders. And the fohowing day he sent to 
welcome you, and to learn what you desired from 
this land, and what designs brought you to Macau ; 
and your Worships declared that you came to 
trade with us and to enter this port; whereupon 
both by persons of standing in this city and by letters, 
we made reply, declaring that this was a thing 
that we could not do, nor could we consent to it 
for many reasons, because we are in a land belonging 
to the King of China, a people very jealous of their 
lands, and any trade that we might have with you 
would cost us many vexations and annoyance with 
the great Mandarins, and loss of property ; and that 
although the ship London came with a Portuguese 
factor and merchants and anchored at a great 
distance from this City, nevertheless she brought 
great trouble and loss upon this city ; how much 
more so your Worships who came without order 
from our King or from the Lord Viceroy of India. 

But although we foresaw these evils, yet we gave 
order with all good will, that your Worships should 
be supplied with everything you asked for, both 
provisions and equipment for your vessels as far 
as was possible to us. And in spite of all the reasons 
we brought forward and the many we gave your 
Worships verbally, you paid no heed to them, but 
sent your pinnace to the river of Canton to speak 
with the Mandarins, a course which fills us with 
amazement, for it is likely to cost us much un- 
pleasantness with these natives. And later your 
Worships proceeded to the mouth of the river of 
Canton with all your four ships, endeavouring to 
do commerce there, greatly to our prejudice, it 
being the only port on which we depend for our 
livelihood. For which reason the Mandarins are 
much disturbed and anxious, seeing your ships 
where our vessels have never reached, and they 
send us many orders that we do command your 
Worships to quit (?) their kingdom, compelling 
us to make your Worships put out to the open 


sea^ and deliver their ports from you. And that 
which your Worships have done at present is to 
the Chinese one of the worst crimes, and it will 
all fall on us, as time will show ; and it is certain 
that did your Worships understand what you have 
done, we believe you would never have done it ; 
since what your Worships are doing is accumulating 
great crimes to this City, and giving out that we 
are the cause of your stay, they [the Mandarins] 
send express orders to us to make your Worships 
leave the port where you are. 

All this being taken into consideration, and that 
which has been set forth by persons of standing 
in this land, which is not here set down to avoid 
tediousness, and which will be stated in good time, 
we have great cause of complaint from the fact of 
your Worships having sent your pinnace, and having 
later gone with your four ships to the River of 
Canton to endeavour to trade with the Chinese 
and Mandarins, the only advantage being to dispose 
of the goods you carry, and thereby disturb our 
commerce which for more than ninety years we 
have maintained 1 by the experience which time 
has brought to us. We beg you earnestly to deliver 
us from the trouble you have brought upon us, 
and if you will not 'do so on the plea of friendship, 
in order that justice may not be impeded, we make 
your Worships the following protest and requisition. 

Domingos da Camara de Noronha, Commander- 
in-Chief of this fort of Macau for his Majesty, and 
the members of the Council of this City request 
your Worship, once and many times, in such terms 
of law and justice as we may and should employ, 
in the name of the most powerful King of England 
whose subjects you are, and in the name of his 
Catholic Majesty King Philip IV of Spain, our 
Master, whose subjects we are, to depart from this 
port where you are anchored, and no longer be 
to us cause of the evils abovementioned, and those 
which we have reason to fear from the Chinese. 

^ The first Portuguese expedition to China was sent from Malacca 
under Alvares in 15 15, and in 15 17 a Portuguese fleet arrived at St 
John's Island. 


Reminding your Worships that when the King, 
your Master, made peace with our King it was 
not intended to prejudice the Portuguese nation 
in any part of the world, but rather to bring help, 
favour preservation and much good to us, as may 
be assumed to be his royal mind, as it was also the 
intention of the King, our Lord, which is clear 
and manifest. Which end has not been attained 
for the Portuguese in this city on this present 
occasion, for the reasons above-mentioned, of which 
we will give proof at a future date to their Majesties 
the King of England and the King of Spain, that 
it may be seen that it was not through fault of 
ours that your Worships were not admitted to 
this City, we being distressed thereby, and being 
the cause of annoyance between our Kings. We 
hope therefore that your Worships will accede 
to our friendly request, and with all justice we 
ask you to put to sea with your ships, as your 
presence is a great prejudice to this City and its 
inhabitants, as we have manifested ; and we forbear 
to make requisition in more solemn and precise 
terms of law, but we desire that it should have 
the same value and weight as though it were so 
expressed in every detail we have set down, whether 
in legal terms or not. And should your Worships 
not comply, we demand by your noble persons that 
you make report to their Majesties the Kings of 
England and Spain of the losses, damage and 
annoyance we have suffered from the Mandarins 
and Governors of China through your presence 
in this port, and from the journey you made to the 
mouth of the River of Canton. And if it should be 
necessary to make further requisition and protest 
to your Worships upon this matter, we hold that it 
is here done, expressed and declared, with all details, 
clauses and conditions by law required, further 
protesting in the name of our Lord, the King of 
Spain, that our not receiving your Worships in this 
port for the reasons above declared shall not prejudice 
his royal position respecting the continuation or 
rupture of the peace which he so willingly concluded 
with his Majesty the King of England. 

M. III. 15 


Given in this City of the Name of God in China, 
commonly known as Macau, on the 7th of September 
1637, over our signatures only 

DoMiNGOS DA Camara Luiz Pais Pacheco 
Antonio da Silveira Domingos Dias 

Aranha Espinhel 

EsTEVAN Pires Matheu Ferreira de 

Francisco de Aran jo Proen<j;a 

[Certified by Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo, 
notary, to be a correct copy from the original.] 

[The " Slighting Answer "] [Lisbon Transcripts, 
I.O. Records, vol. iv.) 

6th September 1637 [O.S.]. Having received 
your offensive letters, accompanied by a formal 
but unimportant protest, we were much astonished 
to find that you consider us so despicable and of 
no importance, since you appear to think that 
your letters, full of groundless threats, will induce 
us to abandon an undertaking -so profitable and 
so certain. For which, though we pay no heed 
to your threats, we shall fight your people with 
blood and sweat to the end. This land, as you 
yourself acknowledge, is not yours, but the King of 
China's. Why then should we wait for license from the 
King of Castile or his petty Viceroys in these parts ? 

We have no leisure at present, because of other 
occupations, to answer your vulgar letters more 
at lengths I hope to have some time later, although 
we fear that the reply will be as opportune as your 
proposal, which is certainly not at all while we 
are occupied in matters of greater importance. 

We greet you all. From our ships in the port 
of Canton, 6th September 1637 English style. 

John Wed[d]ell. 

Agrees with the original. 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

[Marginal note] Was not sent to the Kingdom. 

^ For a full reply to the Protest of the 28th August, see the letter 
of the 27th September, tw/ra, pp. 242 — 245. 


Nurette entrusted with 6 Chistts Royal eightt. 

The 7th September [1637] . Our Mandareene returned 
to Cantan, there beeing 6 Chists of Ryall of eightt 
entrusted unto him, which hee carried away in his owne 
boate with other goodes. Butt before his Departure 
hee perswaded to sende uppe all the Treasure they could 
and allmost all commodities vendible here. 

The 8th ditto [September 1637]. Mr Robinson De- 
parted allsoe in the great vessell that broughtt Downe 
the Sugars Hee carried with him Much incense and 
all the Puchuc^ in the Fleete. There was sentt with him 
when hee went last 14 Chists of Ryall of eightt conteyning 
each 2U000 Ryall [of] eight. There came Downe in 
the said vessell aboutt lUooo quintalls' of Sugar att 
Royal 3 per quintall and uppon 50 quintalls off Greene 
ginger att aboutt 7 Ryall per quintall. 

Treachery intended and prosecuted against us. 

Sonday the loth of September [1637]. It pleased 
god to Deliver us From a treacherous and Daungerous 
plotte intended against us and putt in execution to have 
Destroyed us all by Fire (when wee least Mistrusted 

^ From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.) we leam that Robinson was accompanied by one of 
Nathaniel Mountney's servants and a sailor (Simon Grey), and that 
when they arrived " within 4 leagues of the Citty, he was, by the 
commaund of Hittow and some others of the Portugalls bribed frends, 
with his 2 compamons and all the Incense, thrust abourd a Joncke 
of the Kings, the money, cloth, and all other fyne goods being Carryed 
upp to the towne and delivered into the hands of the cheife Manderyns." 

^ Putchuck, putchock (Dakhani Hindustani, pachak), is still a 
Far Eastern trade term for Costus root, used for medicine and incense. 
The Cantonese word is muk-heung, wooden fragrance. " Putchuck 
or Costus Dulcis should have a Violet Smell, be large and bright " 
(Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 130). " Costus Dulcis. Take the fairest 
heavy Roots, of a grey Colour without, and redish within, of a fine 
strong Smell and arromatic Taste " (Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, 
p. 138). 

* See ante, note ^ on p. 65. 



[suspected] and thought! our selves Most secure and happy 
off our good hopes and beegining off trade). The 
Manner was thus, as my selffe saw For the Most parte ; 
the rest by relation of the generallity. 

The Manner of it : Five greatt Juncks with fire 
worcks sentt to Destroy us. 

Aboutt 2 of the Clocke in the Morning, The shippes 
beeing New [lately careened], went with the tide of 
Ebbe. The little Anne riding headmost, shee espied 
certaine great Juncks under saile standing thwart their 
hausei. They hailed them, had no answear, were in 
doubtt to shoote [at] them thincking they might have 
bin vessells laden For our Fleete, Soe left them passe. 
It seemes The Junckes espying the Anne to bee butt a 
smalle vessell, steared to come Foule of the Catherine^ 
who no sooner espied them butt shotte att them, giving 
therby warning to the rest of our Fleete. Att thatt 
very instant were 2 of the said Junckes all in Flaming 
Fire Chained on to the other, and a little after thatt 
another, all 3 Driving thwart our hauses, allthough butt 
slowly, it beeing butt yong Ebbe, as before is said. Itt 
beeing Not now tyme to looke on, The Dragon shee cutt 
both her Cables ; others cutt allsoe ; others left slippe ; 
and soe wee all stood uppon our sailes (a sea phrase as 
much to say as under saile) to avoid the Daunger. Itt 
was gods will thatt whatt with their standing off to the 
Catherine, whatt with the tide off ebbe thatt sett off 
the pointe and whatt with a little gale off winde that 
blew off the shoare (and some helpe [from] our boates), 
they alJ Drave withoutt [past] us. The Fire was 
vehementt. Balles of wylde fire^, Rocketts and Fire- 

1 Across the bows. 

^ Greek (or wild) fire, a combustible composition for setting fire 
to an enemy's ships, works, etc., so called from being first used by 
the Greeks of Constantinople. 


arrowes Flew thicke as they passed by us, Butt God bee 
praised, not one of us all was toutched. 

One of the Junkes Drave on the other shoar right 
thwart of us ; the other 2 with the streame were carried 
about the point of the Hand and soe outt of sightt. 
Another of these Junckes, it seemes, fired accidentally 
before shee came Near and Drave ashoare 2 or 3 Miles 
ahead off us and was there Consumed. Allthough these 
were paste, yett wee Feared and expected More, untill 
Daylightt. Great and sodaine was the amazement and 
affrightt att such a tyme of the Nightt (it beeing a Darke 
moone) to see such a Fearffull Daunger redy to Destroy 
us. The Fire was very high and violentt and the bright- 
ness therof soe great in that Darcke nightt thatt the hills 
reflected lightt. The Confuzed Noise was Noe lesse, 
as well of the Marriners on the one side crying and calling 
to their Fellowes aboutt the shippes, worcking with their 
heedlesse hasty runinge on the Deckes, as allsoe of the 
Crackling of the burnt Bamboes, whizzing of the rocketts 
etts., Fireworckes Frome the Fiered Flaming Junckes ; 
the latter of the two, allthough not soe loud, yett More 
Fearffull and the occasion off the other. All this lasted 
First and last aboutt 2 houres. By thatt tyme the Junckes 
were consumed and wee through Gods providence Freed 
From thatt great daunger and quieted. For which his 
holy Name bee praised. Now beegan wee to Mistrust 
the Deahng of Nurrette and to Fear the saffety off our 
Merchantts att Cantan. 

A Chinois, one of the Juncke conducteurs taken, 


The 10th September [1637]. ^^Y beeing come, some 
were sent to round the [Tiger] Hand to see if wee could 
take any of the Chinois thatt conducted the Fire Juncks, 
conceaving they Mightt have swamme ashoare there. 


For after their Firing, by their owne hghtt Many were 
seene to leape overboard into the water. Only one man 
they tooke swymming, who by Diving thoughtt never- 
thelesse to escape, till att length they pitched a pike 
into him and brought him uppe on the point thereof. 
Hee had 7 or 8 greatt wounds in his backe, belly, armes, 
etts., and one quite through the Middle of the body. 
By relation of the Surgeons, something hee said, butt 
For wantt of an interpreter could not bee understood. 
All the rest gotte ashoare by swymming, allthough 
they had boates to attend them, butt the Force of the 
Fire, with the Daunger and sodainenesse of the action, 
gave them not leisure to make use of them. 

A Fifft fire Juncke found aground on the backside 
of the Hand : How Fitted. 

Wee Found nobody on the [Tiger] Hand butt our 
owne selves, butt on the backside there was come 
aground one of the said greatt Fire Juncks untoutched. 
Yett Aboard they went and Found her extraordinarily 
well Fitted and prepared to Doe Mischeiffe (beeing driven 
ashoare and Forsaken). No question butt all the rest 
were suteable. This beeing full off Dry wood, sticks, 
heath, hey, etts., thicke interlaid with long smalle bagges 
of gunpowder and other combustible stuffe, allsoe Cases 
and Chists of Fire-arrowes Dispersed here and there in 
aboundance, beeing soe laid thatt they Mightt strike 
into shoppes [? shippes], hulles. Masts, sailes, etts., and 
to hang on shroudes, tackling, etts., having fastned to 
them smalle peeces of crooked wire to hitche and hang on 
any thing they should meet withall. Moreover, sundry 
boomes on each side with 2 or 3 grapenells att each with 
Iron Chaines ; others allsoe thatt hung Downe in the 
water to catch hold of Cables, etts. ground takle, soe 
thatt if they had butt come to toutch a shippe, it were 


allmost impossible butt they would catch and hold 

Fired by us. 

Having taken away her grapnells and Chaines afore- 
said, they sett fire of her, which burnt awhile soe furiously 
that it consumed the grasse on the side of the hill as farre 
as a man could Fling a stone ; soe thatt had they come 
within as they came withoutt us, they had endaungered 
us and att least Driven us outt. Butt god bee thancked 
they Missed their purpose. 

On this passage allsoe I Doe somwhatt enlarge, 
beecause it is the first fire Daunger that I ever yett have 
seene my selfi in. 

One of our boates beeing on the other side of the Hand 
was pursued by 3 or 4 smalle Junckes full off Men. 
Among the rest our people said they saw a Portugall 
who weaved his sword and hatt att them. Itt is pre- 
suposed thatt they Joine with the Chinois and have 
instigated them against us not to permitt us to trade 
For reasons aforementioned. God knoweth. 

Other accounts of the attempt to destroy the 
English fleet. 

(a) Weddell's Account {O.C. 1662). 

In the Interim the Portingalls had wrought 
with the Mandereene of Casa Blanca^ to Joyne 
with the 2 other pettie Mandereens to procure 7 
fire Junkes to putt upon us in the darke of the nighte 
whilest wee were busie in shiftinge the Sunne, 
which they putt in execution the night after that. 
The Portingalls had brought us a protest from the 
Generall &ca. of Macao, to which wee gave a slight 
Answere and dispeeded them away^, wee beinge 
nowe some 3 leagues paste the Castle where wee 
intended to lode. 

1 Casa Branca, a suburb of Macao, where the Mandarin who pre- 
sided over affairs connected with Chinese subjects had his residence. 
^ See ante, p. 226. 


The loth September, about 3 in the morninge 
they Came in upon us with 5 fier Junkes, and wee 
haveinge a good watch, espied them and fired a 
peece of ordinance which, as soone as they sawe 
they were discovered, they fired their trayne and 
lefte them. Our boates towed them Cleer of us, 
and soe by Gods assistance we escaped that damage. 
The 4th Junke was a verie greate one and well 
provided for that stratagem, but it pleased God 
shee Could not weather the [Tiger] Hand, and in the 
morninge was found a ground. Wee manned our 
boates and sent them at both endes of the land and 
went aboard and broughte away many Cheynes, 
grapnells, fire arrowes and other materialls, and sett 
her on fire ; and thus were 4 of the 7 Junkes 

The newes went flyeinge up to Cantan the next 
day that the English shippes were burnte, and 
such newes was Caried to Mr Nathaniell Mountney 
and his brother (Mr Robinson and Simon Grey being 
stopped in the midway to Cantan and their Junke 
Seized on, beinge the same which Came downe 
with the goods). Upon this newes they were much 
amazed, but when the truth was knowne that the 
damadge fell on the Chinas side, the Chineses 
beganne to excuse themselves and said it was the 
Portingalls worke and not theirs. But we had 
taken up a Chincho [Fuhkienese] who was swiminge 
to the shoare (he haveinge fired the first Junke) 
by our boates, whoe with halfe pikes had pearced 
through his armes and thighes, and was brought 
aboard halfe dead. Our Chirurgions Cured his 
wounds (he beinge kept in Irons), whoe told us 
whoe had sett him on worke. Moreover, hee said 
there was 3 more readie and 100 small fisher boates 
to second them if they missed. 

(b) Account from the Continuation of the China 
Voyage [Marine Records, vol. lxiil). 

Seven Jonckes with fire, being provided att the 
cost and Fittinge of the treacherous Portugalls, and 


extraordinaryly furnished [with] chaynes, hookes, 
grapnailes, &c., about 2 in the morninge came 
drivinge towards the Shipps, but beinge in good 
tyme discovered, were by much industry and with 
noe less difficulty put by their attempte, and in 
sight of their Consorts burnte downe to the water, 
fowre of them being fired by our people and the rest 
by themselves. Some of the men beinge taken 
and detayned in our Shipps, did afterwards att 
Maccaw avouch to the faces of divers Portugalls 
comeinge abourd, that they were the verry men 
that had done this ; and had hyred the Chinesses 
and certaine fugitive Cafres [kdfir, negro slave] 
and others, to bringe on these fyer Vessells, whilest 
they in the meane tyme awaited att hand to murther 
and destroy our people iff they should be forced 
to take to the water ; and this inserted by Captain 
Weddell and his Councell into their Protest, which 
att their arrivall att Maccow delivered over to the 
Captain and Gennerall of the Citty^ 


This Hand of Tayffoo [Tiger Island] or cloven hill 
is aboutt 51 Miles From enseada De Don Juan [Taipa 
Anchorage] Lying N [blank] From itt, lying in 23 
degrees 5 Minutes North latitude and 7 degrees 15 
Minutes East longitude From Pulo Tymaone^ afore- 
spoken offe. 

1 From the three accounts of this incident, one gathers that the 
Chinese took advantage of the tide turning at about 2 a.m. on a dark 
night to try and burn the anchored British fleet at the turn of the 
tide by means of fire-ships, hoping to catch them while they were 
swinging athwart the river. But the fleet escaped by cutting their 
cables, hoisting sail and sending out boats to tow the fire-ships out 
of their course. 

For a further short account of this incident, see the letter of the 19th 
December 1637 {Courteen Papers, Appendix D). 

^ See ante, p. 151 for Pulo Tioman. Mundy has underestimated 
the distance. Tiger Island is nearly 9° east of Pulo Tioman. 


Calculation of miles gon and sailed this present voyage 

outtward bound only : which I accomptt From 

Penrin in Cornewall unto Cloven [Tiger] Hand 

or Tayfoo in the Kingdome of China, beeing 

the Farthest extent and uttermost 

lymmitt of the said voyage, viz. 

From Penrin in Cornewall to London Anno 1635 

is accompted , 220 

From London to the Downes by water Aprill 1636 

is accompted go 

From the 14th Ditto to the end of the Month our 

shippe ran ^77^ 

In the whole Month of May wee sayled 1678 

In the Month of June wee ran 1879 

In the Month of July wee went 3^77 

In the Month of August wee have gon 2159 

In the Month of September shee made 2573 

From the First to the 8th October when wee arrived 

att Goa 309 

From the 17th Jan : when wee parted Goa till our 
arrivall at Battacala [Bhatkal] beeing the 24th 

Ditto 114 

From the 19th Marche 1636, when wee sett saile 
from Battacala unto the end of the said Month 

Anno 1637 270 

From the first of Aprill till our arrivall att Achein 

the 22th Ditto 1007 

In the whole Month of May our shippe ran 565 

From the First to the last of June arriving att 

enseada de Don Juan [Taipa Anchorage] 1419 

From thence to Cloven [Tiger] Hand where wee 

arrived the 30th off August 51 

In all wee have gon outtward bound the some 

of Miles 17,281 

End of the 25th Relation. 







Our Departure Tayffoo and arrivall att Fumaone 

The nth September Anno 1637. Ii^ regard more 
fireshippes were expected and thatt our Riding here 
was soe Distastfull to the Chinois and soe full of Daunger 
to our selves, Therefore to give content unto the First 
and to Free ourselves From the latter. As allsoe our 
Merchantts and companies estate Deteyned att Cantan^, 
wee quitted the place and came againe downe unto 
our old rode of Fumaone a little beneath the Fort^ 

2 skulling Junckes taken : Restored againe untoutched. 

The 12th [September 1637]. With our boates wee 
tooke 2 men of warre Junckes, suspecting there had 

^ The full headline to this Relation in the MS. is, " China voiage 
Homeward bound From Taifoo backe unto Macao in China." 

- For the experiences of Nathaniel and John Mountney and 
Thomas Robinson at the hands of the Chinese, see their journal, which 
is given after Mundy's diary of the 28th November. 

^ Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that on receipt of the news of a proposed 
second attack by fire-ships, "wee gott aboard such Caske and other 
things as wee had on shoare, and went belowe the Castle into our 
olde birth where there was more roome." 


bin Portugalls aboard, butt all the people gotte 
ashoare, and wee broughtt away the vessells, beeing 

The i^th [September 1637]. Wee restored the said 
Junckes againe unto the Mandareenes untoutched, the 
better to gett our Merchantts Freed From aloft, who 
Now wee beegan to feare wear in some trouble, having 
Not heard From them these 8 Dales. 

Reports of future Daungers plotting against us by 
Fire, Warre, poysoning, etts. 

By Francisco, a Portugall slave, run from them to 
the Chinois and From them againe unto our handes, 
wee understood, according to his owne relation (the 
truth wee know nott, butt as hee said was the generall 
report of all sorts of people both aboard their Fleete 
as allsoe on shoare), viz. Thatt there were 15 Portugalls 
att Cantan Negotiating against us and thatt all our 
Disturbances was wroughtt by their procurementt, who 
offer large summes and New Customs on all goodes [that] 
should come unto Macao From India, Mannilla, Japan 
or any place elce unto the Chinois to Debarre us from 
trade. Thatt there were 7 monstrous Junckes and 
aboutt 100 smalle boates preparing, to bee better fitted 
and enordred then the former, to fire us, Only new 
wanting Chaines and grapnells, which were making. 
Allsoe thatt a fleete of Chincheos were expected to come, 
a resolute Desperate people of one of the China Pro- 
vinces [Fuhkien], with great shippes, Ordnaunce, etts., 
to bee furnished with powder, munition, etts. From the 
Portugalls, as were the Fireshippes aforesaid. Thatt 
wee should take head of any thing thatt should bee 
broughtt to eate or Drincke From the shoare, as bread, 
Racke ['arak, spirits], Fruite, etts., For it would come 
poisoned. That all the Mandereenes were combyned 


against us, viz., of Lantao, Casabranca^ by Macao, etts. 
This hee said was vulgar voice, as aforementioned. 

The 14th [September 1637]. Wee came a league or 
two lower Downe, The Easter[l]y Monsoone beeing 
come, the windes having blowne beetweene the North 
and the East these 4 or 5 Daies somwhatt sharpe in the 

Our Resolution for Macao. 

The lyth Ditto. It was generally Concluded to 
Depart unto Macao, there to deliver a protest to the 
Portugalls and require satisfaction For the losse off our 
voyage, allsoe our Merchantts From Cantan and our 
Companies Meanes there Deteyned, knowing all to bee 
Don by their procurement and instigation. ^ 

A[l]tred and another determined offe. 
The 18th [September 1637]. Thatt resolution alltred. 
And then our best course was held to Doe all the spoile 
wee could unto the Chinois, thatt complaint Mightt 
come to the higher powers, and thatt they mightt under- 
stand the reason of it as beeing For the Detention off 
our Merchantts and companies estate in their hands. 

Putt in execution. Five Junckes and a small towne 
burned : pillage taken. 

Soe thatt evening late some of our boates well 
manned and provided were sentt away ; and before 
Day they burned 5 smalle Junckes, wherof 2 were fitted 
with Fireworcks to have Don the like to us. They allsoe 
sett Fire of a smalle towne, tooke one man and aboutt 
30 hogges and pigges, and soe came away. 

1 By Lantao, Mundy means Wantong Forts and not the island of 
Lantau in the estuary of the Canton River. See ante, note on p. 177. 
Casa Branca is the Portuguese name for the city of Ch'ien-shan on 
the north of the inner harbour of Macao. It was the residence of the 
Mandarin who decided disputes between the Portuguese and Chinese. 
See ante, p. 165. 


Weddell's account of the above incident {O.C. 1662). 

Noe man Cominge neere unto us to tell us what 
was become of our merchants and money, soe that 
wee resolved to gett them by force or to loose all 
our lives, and fitted our longe boats with a Drake 
in each boates head and our skiffes and bardge all 
well manned, and at 5 in the morninge the 19th 
September, wee sett upon 16 saile of the Kinges 
man of warr and fought with them ^ howre, in 
which tyme wee burned 5 of them (3 of them were 
fire Junkes) ; the rest made their escape. The 
same day our boates tooke the towne of Famon^ 
which they pillad[g]ed and burnte, and by the 
[blank] was fired another Junke, and returned 
aboarde without anie damadge on our side. 

The 20th [September 1637]. Wee sent ashoare to 
know of the Country people whither they could tell us 
any Newes of our Merchantts. The}^ told us that 2 
Mandareenes were gon For them and would bee here 
againe within 2 Daies. 

A lettre received from our Merchantts advising of 
their restraint etts. 

The 21th [September 1637]. Wee receaved a lettre 
From Mr Nathaniell and Mr John Mountney, wherein 
they advised they were kept in straightt and feared 
Dayly to have their persons seized, having Not heard 
from Mr Robbinson, Nor of the treasure last sentt uppe. 
Neither of whatt themselves had broughtt uppe. 

Their Councell how to remedy itt : held Difficult and 
therefore not Followed. 

Therefore their opinion was thatt the best course 
For their better usage would bee to come quietly with 
our shippes Farther uppe into the River withoutte giving 

1 See anie, note ^ on p. 187. 


cause of complaint, rather Fearing [frightening] then 
hurting them^. This councell was held Dii!icultt and 
Daungerous to bee Followed, soe kept our former 

Wee prosecute our First purpose : A skirmish with the 
Chinois, 5 or 6 of them slaine. 

Thereuppon they manned 6 or 7 of our boates, went 
ashoare to the village Fumaone, skirmished with the 
people and off them killed 5 or 6 ; the rest, beeing a 
greatt Number, ran away, having firste conveyed their 
goodes elcewhere. Nor would the houses take fire, 
beeing off bricke and stone, covered with tiles. From 
thence they went to the [Anung-hoi] Fort. Finding 
Neither men nor Munition therein, they threw Downe 
the gates and came aboard. There was in all this on 
our side only one Scot[c]hman hurt. 

A greatt Juncke Fired and 8 prisoners taken. Another 
great Juncke pursued butt got away. 

The 22th September [1637]. Our boates were sent 
to the Creekes etts. passages Near Ta^^ffoo or Cloven 
Hand. There they burned one great Juncke, saving 
outt of her 8 persons whome they broughtt aboard ; the 
rest gotte away. They then allsoe pursued another 
greatt Juncke, came very Neare, shott at her, thoughtt 
to have boarded her, butt were in such Manner kept 
offe by their continuall heavinge offe greatt stones, 
billetts, barres off Iron, etts., thatt shee gotte away. 
Then allsoe they fired a forsaken towne. In all this 

1 Weddell says {O.C. 1662) that complaints had been carried to 
Canton by the fugitives from Fumaon and the neighbourhood, and that 
" at last license was given to our merchants to write to us, whoe 
desired us to forbeare to use anie more acts of hostility and all would 
be well. Divers boats and Junkes would Come and sell us sugar at 
easie rates ; by [? but] they came by stealth." 


no greatt Daunger, there beeing butt little resistance 
and No pillage off any purposed 

The [Anunghoi] Fort blowne upp with gunpowder. 

The said Day the Commaunders went on shoare, 
undermined the Fort and with 3 barrelles of gunpowder 
blew uppe much off the wall, Crackt, shooke and Defaced 
all the rest, especially inwards. 

Lettres from the Mandareens to stay yett 10 Dales. 

The 24^th [September 1637]. There came a lettre from 
the Mandareenes, wherin they Desired us to stay yett 
10 Dales, and then wee should have our requiry. This 
wee conceaved to bee Falce and only Devised to gaine 
More tyme to putt theire intentts in practice. 

A Juncke pursued, defends her selffe and putts our boates 
offe. One of our Men slayne by the Chinois. 

The 2>^U [September 1637]. Wee sent to take a 
great Juncke thatt passed somwhatt Near us, butt shee 
Defended herselffe and endaungered both our Men and 
boates by Flinguing greatt heavy broad-headed Iron 
Darts among them, Made rather to spoile smalle boates 
then Men, lying under their high and smooth built sides, 
and therefore (as I have said) these kind are with much 
Difficulty to bee boarded. There beeing butt our barge 
and the Sunnes skiffe. The Anne was sent to assist them, 
butt shee could not come Near them. Soe att length 
the boates. For want off gunpowder, came off, and 
alltogether returned. One of the Sunnes Men was by 
them shotte within [with] an Arcabuza-Croc [harquebus 
a croc] that hee shortly after Died off itt^ 

^ From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.) Ave learn that the first junk burned was one " of the Kings, 
of 12 peeces of Ordnance." 

- This was Christopher Barker, quartermaster. His name is given 
in the Continuation of the China Voyage. 


This evening wee tooke a poore boate. They were 
Chincheos, and note long since taken by their owne 
Nation, who tooke From them their owne vessell and 
putt them into thatt. Shee and hers were released 

Black Antonio his opinion. 

Blacke Anthonio, an eathiopian thatt had gon formerly 
interpreter beetweene usS was now contented to stay 
with us. Hee told us That hee thoughtt Thatt the 
Mandareenes Demaunding off us yett More lo Daies 
respitt was to no other end then to Detyne [sic] us untill 
the arrivall off a Fleet of Chincheos, who as hee heard 
were Dayly expected ; a Darcke Moone now allsoe 
att hand, the only tyme to putt in execution their Fire 
stratagems, wee lying somewhatt Daungerous For those 

Our falling lower. 

The 26th September 1637. To prevent or avoid the 
aforesaid Daunger, with others thatt mightt bee intended 
against us. Wee fell Downe Farther and Anchored by 
Nanteea or Lanteea [Lintin Island], formerly Mentioned. ^ 

A protest sentt against the Generall and Councell 
offe Macao. 

The zyth of September [1637]. Wee came within 
4 leagues of Macao and there anchored. From thence 
the barge 3 was sent with a protest against the Generall 
and Councell off thatt Citty, S[he]weing them therin 

^ See ante, p. 192. 

^ W^eddell {O.C. 1662) gives additional reasons for returning to 
Macao. " The tyme of the yeare and winter Corainge on, wee resolved 
to goe for Macao and protest against the Governor and Councell for 
all such damadges as had befalne us, to soe birth our selves that they 
Could not conae from Japan but they must of necessitie Come through 

* From the Continuation of the China Voyage we learn that the pin- 
nace Anne accompanied the Dragon's barge which carried the protest. 

M. III. 16 


the reason off our Comming in to these parts, As allsoe 
demaimding att their hands our Merchantts, Monies 
and Meanes deteined att Cantan, with the losse of our 
voyage, and thatt they had given Just occasion of a 
breach off peace beetweene our 2 Kings. Thus much 
wee laid to their Charge, as allsoe the last fire Juncks, 
Requiring restitution and satisfaction For all losses, 
Dammages, etts., which wee have allready susteyned 
or may hereafter accrew on these occasiones, they 
beeing the Cause offe alle, beesides the contempt off our 
Kings Majesties Freindly letter unto them. Soe having 
Delivered this protest, wee retourned aboard ^ 

Copy of the Second Letter sent by the English^ 27th 

September 1637 (O.S.) {Lisbon Transcripts, 

I.O. Records, vol. iv). 

The following is a reply to the Protest dated 
in Macau the 7th of September 1637, Roman Style 
and received in Jaypo* on the 6th of the month 
Old Style. 

Know your Worships that in past times there 
existed much discord between the Portuguese and 
English nations in the dominions of India, which 
was of profit to neither party, but rather your 
Worships suffered from an evil of which you were 
the cause, as it was not enough that you should 
close and forbid us your ports, but you also exerted 
every means to prevent us from holding commerce 
with other kingdoms. At last peace was sought 
for by you for two or three years, the procurers 
being Padres and persons of your own nation*, 
and was concluded in the city of Goa in December 
1634, by the Conde de Linhares your Viceroy and 

^ The Continuation of the China Voyage adds that " The same 
Eveninge a boate from the towne Came abourd with a message to the 
Coraaunders of the Fleete, teUing them that on the morrow they 
should have answeare." 

2 This document is in Spanish. For the first letter, see the "Slight- 
ing Answer " of 6th September, ante, p. 226. 

* A copyist's error for Tayfo, Tai-fu, Tiger Island. 

* Notably, Father Pablo Reimao. See ante, note - on p. 60. 


the President of the Enghsh nation S being cele- 
brated with very great rejoicing, pleasure and 
contentment, the articles being confirmed by both 
parties, by which was conceded to us the free entry 
and trade of your ports. 

Your Worships asked for a quantity of stores, 
munition, etc., from our land, required by the 
galleons or fleet, which were granted, but not before 
special license had been obtained from our King, 
these being forbidden stores ; upon the delivery 
of which you had promised us their value in cinna- 
mon or pepper, the which we expected^ But time 
went on, delays being asked of a fortnight, on 
another occasion of ten days, on others more or 
less days, until three months went by and nothing 
was done, we being at last compelled to seek these 
stores in other places, leaving that place [Goa] 
and putting in at divers of your ports, where we 
were received with much consideration. But finally 
reaching Macau, where we expected greater favour, 
we received greater discourtesy (although we were 
bearers of a special letter from our King to the 
Captain-General), it being forbidden us to enter 
your City, excepting at first, this being due more 
to our own daring than to any desire on your part. 
Moreover, special guards were placed at the harbour 
to prevent anything being brought to us, with the 
exception of a few scanty provisions ^ 

During the whole of our stay, both by letters 
and by speech in conference with persons of standing 
in the city, you held out to us the hope of open trade 
after the departure of the fleet of Japan, which we 
permitted to depart in peace. And when your 
Worships learnt that it was in safety, you sent a 
messenger to us to ask what further we required, 
as we had already received the reply and there was 
nothing further to wait for. We therefore departed 
from thence [Macao] and came to the mouth of the 

1 See ante, note on p. 160. Methwold did not reach Goa until the 
6th January 1635, and it was on the 8th that the wording of the 
agreement between the EngUsh and Portuguese was settled. 

^ On arrival of the fleet at Goa. 

* See ante, pp. 164, 170, 172, 173. 



River of Canton, where we were expected and 
received with much courtesy, and trade was already 
opened, as your officials were witness when they 
came to bring us the protest, and saw your agent, 
Pablo Norete, acting as Mandarin, which he was 
not, but an imposter and your leader and agent 
in all the treachery that occurred. 

A few days after his arrival five large fire ships 
came upon us, and we can bring sufficient and clear 
evidence that these were brought there by your 
Worships, at your expense, and captained and 
conducted by your ships up to the moment of 
starting the fire, and then were delivered over to the 
Chinese, whose vessels were ready and waiting to 
come up to the wrecks and ruins which would result. 
But God did not permit the plan to succeed, and 
the said ships returned a few days later to Macau. 

Further, touching the detention of the King's 
merchants with all their cargoes. Your Worships, 
by your agent Francisco Carvalho Aranha, promised 
the Chinese large sums of money and fresh duties 
to do this and deprive us of all hope of trading 
in this land, and to encourage the Chincheos [Fuh- 
kienese] to provide themselves with arms and 
munitions to come upon and totally destroy us. 
This have we discovered by the voluntary con- 
fessions of different persons who came to us on various 
occasions, and other clear evidence, such as Portu- 
guese cloth which fell into our hands, together 
with what our men saw and heard your men speak 
of when they were going about in these parts. 

All which, being as stated, we request your 
Worships to deliver up and return to us the said 
merchants who are detained in Canton on your 
account, with all their, cargoes, and also to give 
compensation for the loss sustained in this voyage, 
of which your Worships are the authors. And 
thus we will depart in peace. And if not, we present 
the following protest to your Worships, which, 
as we have no lawyers here, is not couched in the 
formal terms it should be. Nevertheless let it 
have all the force of a perfectly worded document. 

I, John Wed[d]ell, Commander of the Enghsh 


Fleet dispatched by his Majesty the King of Great 
Britain, and the other Captains thereof, ask and 
call on your Worships, as in justice and reason 
we may and should do, in the name of his Catholic 
Majesty of Spain, your Master and in the name of 
the King of Great Britain, our Master, whose vassals 
we are, that your Worships make restoration and 
return and deliver to us our aforesaid- merchants, 
and other servants detained in Canton, with all 
the treasure and merchandise they have with them, 
and further all the costs and damages which have 
resulted, and may in all probability result, in future 
from the loss of this voyage, knowing that all this 
has been the work of your Worships. And thus 
we may depart satisfied from here. But should 
our just and reasonable demands be refused, we 
declare that in presence of their Majesties the King 
of Spain and Great Britain we will demand from yon 
all the foregoing, and further declare that your 
Worships are authors of all the prejudice and evils 
which may spring from the contempt of the letter 
and favour of a King and the rupture of the peace 
of which your Worships are guilty. 

From on hoard the Flagship [the Dragon] on the 
2jth September 1637, ^^^ Style. 

John Widdell 

Arthur Hatch^ 

J NO. Carter 

R. Leo Onley [Richard Swanley] 

Peter Mendes [Mundy] 

[Here follows an attestation of the correctness 
of " the protest presented to the English and their 

^ Arthur Hatch, who was born in 1593 and matriculated in 1611, 
liad already spent several years in India and the East. In 1618 he 
entered the service of the East India Company as a Preacher and was 
abroad from 1619 to 1623. On his return he gave Purchas an account 
of Japan, which is printed in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. 1625, vol. 11. 
pp. 1696, 1701^ — ^1702 and is entitled " A Letter touching Japon with 
the Government, Affaires and later Occurrents there, written to me 
by Master Arthur Hatch, Minister, lately returned thence." The 
account is dated " From Wingham in Kent the 25. of November 

In 1626 Hatch again went to India and returned in the William 
in 1629. In 1632 he went out a third time as Preacher in the Charles, 


answer thereto " signed by Domingos Rodrigues 
de Figueiredo and Affonso Garces. The attestation 
which is in Portuguese, is dated 9th December 
1637 N.S. = 30th November O.S.] 

Bartholomeo de Roberedo etts. sent to answear the 
protest by word of mouth : Our Freindly letter 
unto the Citty. 
The zgth ditto [September 1637]. Came a boate From 
Macao, and in her Bartholomeo de Roboredo, a Jesuitt 
thatt came with us From MallaccaS and a Spaniard, 
a Serjauntt Major^ thatt came on the Sonne. These 
2 came in the Name of the Citty to answear the protest 
sent unto them by word of Mouth ^ who Denied allmost 
every article of itt. Howsoever, necessity compelhng 
us, a lettre was sent to them Desiring in Freindly Manner 
that they would procure the releasementt of our Mer- 
chantts. This course must have bin taken, or elce wee 
must resolve to leave their hves and hberties, with the 
Companies estate to the Desposure and Mercy of Heathen. 
This broughtt us to thatt which otherwise would nott 
have bin condiscended [agreed] unto, [viz.] J. W. [John 
Weddell] ; A. J.* ; P. M. [Peter MundyJ. 

and lost all his property when that ship was burnt m Swally Road 
in the following year. He came home in 1635 as Preacher of the 
Jonas and then apparently joined Courteen's Association as Preacher 
of the Dragon. The latest mention discovered of him is in 163S, at 
Bhatkal, and it is probable that he perished when the Dragon was lost 
on her homeward voyage in 1639. See Foster's Alumni; Cal. State 
Papers, E. I., 1618 — 1634 ; Foster, English Factories, 1630 — 1639. 

1 I have failed to find what position the Father held at Malacca. 
He was at Bantam in March 1637. See Dagh Register. 

- Port. Sargenio mor, the major of a regiment. In Mundy's time 
the major of a British regiment was called a " serjeant-major." 

3 That is, they came to answer verbally the written protest 
delivered on the 27th September, but they also brought a letter from 
Domingos da Camara (see infra). 

^ A. J. seems to be a slip for A. H., i.e., Arthur Hatch, " the 
Minister," one of the signatories of the letter of the 27th September. 
The initials attached to the paragraph in the original are interesting, 
as nothing in the way of signatures to statements occurs elsewhere 
in the MS. I take it that they arc not signatures at all, but are merely 
inserted to show why these particular persons signed the letter of 2gth 
September 1637 sent to Macao, for which see below. 


Copy of a Letter addressed by the Captain-General of 
Macau to the Commander of the EngHsh Fleet, 8th 
October 1637 [^-S- = 28th September O.S.],. 
{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.). 

We received your Excellency's letter and the 
protest which accompanied it, both dated the 7th 
of October New Style ; and as all that your Worship 
states shows clearly that the information you have 
received against us is contrary to the truth, we 
have requested the Reverend Father Bartholomeo 
de Reboredo of the Society of Jesus, whom you 
brought from Malacca in your ships, and therefore 
your very good friend, to go and inform you in a 
friendly way of what really occurred, with which, 
if your Worship is satisfied, we shall much rejoice, 
and as friends we will overlook your complaints, 
and if not, we will reply to your protest in terms 
of justice and courtesy, such as we always employ 
in treating with your Worships, whose illustrious 
persons may God keep. 


Macau, 8th October 1637. 
Agrees with the original. 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

[The reply of Courteen's merchants to the above 
Letter] {Lisbon Transcripts, LO. Records, vol. iv.). 

zgth September 1637. 
Illustrious Sirs, 

We received your Excellencies' letter in which 
you refer yourself in all things to the information 
given b}^ the Reverend Father Bartholomeo de 
Reboredo and the Serjeant-Major. We have heard 
both, and they argued well in behalf of your 
Excellencies. We confess that in the matter we 
wrote of we relied on information given us by Chinese 
and others, and we were distressed at the ill success 
of our voyage, as your Excellencies may perceive. 
But now we are satisfied with the information 
afforded us and have given our reply to the informants 
to remit to your Excellencies, to which we refer you. 


To come to what we now desire. There are two 
things, for which we will beg your Excellencies as 
our friends to forgive any fault on our side, if there 
should be any, for it is not intentional, but due to our 
ignorance of your Excellencies' customs, we being 

Firstly, will your Excellencies do us the favour 
of treating with the Chinese and inducing them 
to give up to us our merchants who are in Canton, 
together with our silver and merchandise. I know 
that many difficulties will arise in this matter, 
but we shall be greatly indebted to your Excellencies, 
and will report it as being a very great favour to 
the most powerful King of Great Britain, our Lord ; 
and we will be responsible for all costs incurred in 
the matter. 

Secondly, since we are in this place [Macao], 
will your Excellencies let us have some of the 
merchandise you may have [in your hands] as 
compensation for the heavy costs of this voyage. 

If it pleases your Excellency, I will dispatch 
trustworthy persons to treat of these two matters, 
as nothing can be done by letters and messages 
at such a distance. 

I intended to enclose with this a letter that I 
received from the Mandarin of Canton \ in which 
he promises me my men in ten days, provided 
that I leave the River of Canton, which I have 
done ; but the person who goes to treat of these 
matters will carry it. 

We renew our offer of our persons and ships for 
the service of your Excellencies as your true friends. 
God keep your Excellencies many years. 

From the Flagship [the Dragon], 2gth September 1637. 

John Wed[d]ell 

Harthur Natsh [Arthur Hatch] 

Peter Mundez 

Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

^ No trace of this document has been found. 


A Spanish galleon arrived From Manilla : a conference 
aboutt her. 

The Last of September [1637]. Came a greatt shippe 
a little before Day and anchored somwhatt Near us. 
Wee sent the barge to her and found shee was a Spanish 
Galleon come From Manilla hither For Metall, Munition, 
etts. For the Kings accompt. Shee had aboutt 500 Men 
and 24 peeces of brasse Ordnance. Heretofore they 
yearly and usually came From Mannilla hither and 
returned with silke, etts., which From thence was trans- 
ported to Aquapulco in Nueva Hispannia.^ A Conference 
was had whither it were best to stay her or lette her 
goe, and it was concluded not to Meddle with her for 
sundry good reasons. Neither stayed shee long by us. 
For as soone as itt was lightt shee wayed, and as shee 
passed, shee saluted us with her Ordnance and wee her 
againe with ours. Our not intercepting her bredd greatt 
Murmuring in our whole Fleete amongst the Commonalty. 

Promises of trade att Macao at laste. 

The 2d of October 1637. Came the said Padre 
Roboredo, bringuing a lettre From the Generall of Macao, 
wherin all was remitted to the said Padre, who promised 
in the behalffe of the said Generall and Citty that they 
should use their best indeavours For the releasementt 
of our Merchantts at Cantan with all the Monies and 
goods there deteyned^ ; Allsoe thatt there should Free 
licence bee graunted For the Merchantts of Macao to 
trade with us, and that wee might chuse a convenient 
place where our shippes Might ride in saffet}^ 

^ Acapulco on the Pacific coast of Mexico (or New Spain). See 
De Morga, p. 315, for the yearly despatch of ships from Manila to New 

^ See the contract made by the Portuguese with the Mandarins 
of Canton, given below . 


Copy of the contract which the City [of Macao] made with 

the Mandarins of Canton, respecting the 

Enghsh who were in the said port 

[undated, ? October 

{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.). 

Touching the subjection \ and to arrange for the 
Uberation of the Enghsh who, being ignorant of the 
laws of China, entered your lands, we were summoned 
by the Aitao's Chapa [Haitao's chhap, official order] 
to go to Canton and fetch the English, in number 
five men^ and bring them to Macau, from whence 
they may return to their lands, and not transgress in 
the future, as in their petitions they promise, which 
if transgressing, we who are residents in the lands 
of the King of China and have received from him 
many favours for well nigh a hundred years, and 
are natives of his land, undertake to exert all our 
power as soldiers of the King in his service. 

Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

The 4th [October 1637]. In the Morning Mr Woolman^ 
and my selffe, I say Captain Swanly, [Christopher Parr] 
the Purser of the Dragon and my selffe, were enordred to 
goe ashoare to conclude on the Articles* and to have 
all confirmed under the hands of the Captaine Generall 
and Councell off Macao. Butt beeing ready to set Forth, 
came a lettre From the Padre certifying that except 
our Admirall himselfe came in person they Desired none 
att all to come. 

^ The sense seems to require " detention " rather than " subjection." 

2 In reality, six men, viz., Nathaniel and John Mountney, Thomas 

Robinson, Charles Webb, Simon Grey, and a serv^ant of the Mountncys. 

* Thomas Woollman, master of the Sun. 

* That is, to sign the agreement concluded with De Roboredo. 
A conference had been held by the Council at Macao on the ist October, 
when it was deemed expedient to grant the requests of the English, 
lest they should seize on the Japan fleet in retaliation for their 


The Galleon of Mannilla : her Cargazone. 

Att Noone Mr Woolman and myselffe were sent to 
see the Bay, or Enseada de Andres feo\ some 4 leagues 
From Macao, whither it were a conveniente place For our 
shippcs to ride in or Noe, As allsoe to congratulate 
the Captain of the Galleon For his safe arrivall to this 
Country and to thatt place. By him wee were kindly 
enterteyned and lodged that Nightt^, and in the Morning 
wee came away. The galleon was aboutt 700 tunnes, 
built att Mannilla, very strong in tymber worcke and 
thicksided. Shee had made one voyage to Acapulco 
in Nueva Hispannia and backe. Shee brought From 
Mannilla about 9 or 10 tunnes off Cloves (sent thither 
From the Molluccaes), allsoe some Diers wood^ and 
Mannilla tabacco ; nothing elce thatt wee could heare 
excepting Ryall off eightt to bee imployed in Munition 
For the King ; The Captaine a Biscayner, Named Juan 
Lopez de Andoyna, borne Nere el puerto [la puerta] de 
Sant Adrian* in the way from San Sebastian to Victoria. 

^ Mundy's " Enseada de Andres feo " is difficult to locate, but he pro- 
bably means what is now known as Urmston Bay (orTong-ku Harbour), 
which is formed by the islands of Toiag-ku and Saw-chau to the west 
and Castle Peak land to the east. This bay is, however, some 20 
miles east of Macao, on the north side of the estuary of the Canton 
River, but only about 12 miles from Lintin harbour where the fleet 
was anchored. Its Portuguese name, as given by Mundy, may be a 
corruption of Enseada de Andrade Fernao Perez, so called to com- 
memorate one of the earliest Portuguese visitors to this part of China. 
Andrade Fernao Perez reached St John Island in 15 17. 

^ The ContinuatioH of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. LXiii.) 
adds that the captain of the galleon " both in his person and reall 
performance of sundry offices of frendshipp unto us, expressed him- 
selfe to be truly generous. He seemed hartily sorry for the vilde 
affronts, which he was given to understand wee had received from the 
Portugalls, and hath given a reall and true attestation under his hand 
att large, as may appeare, both of our readiness to affourd them all 
kind offices of love and of their perverseness and restless machinations 
to cross and affronte us." 

^ Bv " diers wood " Mundy probably means logwood {Hcsmatoxylon 

* See vol. I. p. 141, for Mundy's previous reference to this place. 
There, as in the present reference, he confuses puerto, harbour, with 
puerta, mountain pass. 


By report of our Men, who staled aboard thatt nightt 
allsoe, the inferiour officers of the shippe were served 
with some plate, viz., Boateswalne, Carpenters, Caulkers, 
etts., butt in the greatt Cabbin there was aboundance 
in variety. Soe it seemes they make ritche voiages From 
Mannilla to Nova Hispanna and backe againe. They 
are not lesse then 6 Monthes sayling From Mannilla 
thither, allwaies uppon a Bowlin, the windes continually 
easterly. Butt From Aquapulco backe it is performed 
in aboutt 3 Monthes space, as comming before the 

Whatt Chucculatte is. 

Aboard this shippe was the first tyme I tasted Chaccu- 
latte^, having formerly heard speake therof. It is made 
of a certaine graine growing in the West Indies, and in 
some parts there goeth currantt For Mony (as Almonds 
att Suratt)'. These they Dry, grinde to powder, boile 
in water, adde sugar, spice, odours, or other composition 
to it, and soe Drincking it warme in the Mornings is 
accompted very wholesome. 

^ That is, from Manila outwards the vessel sailed close-haul'd and 
on the return voyage ran before the wind. 

^ Mundy's description of chocolate as a beverage is very interesting. 
The earliest quotation for the word in the O.E.D. is 1604 (E. Grim- 
ston's D' Acosta's Hist. Indies, iv. xxii. 271) and there is no other 
quotation until 1662, by which time it had become popular in England. 
The O.E.D. derives the word from Spanish chocolate, an adaptation 
of Mexican chocolail, " an article of food made of equal parts of the 
seeds of cacao and those of the tree called pochotl." There is no 
example, among the quotations, of either of Mundy's spellings. The 
beverage that he tasted may possibly have been what the Mexicans 
knew as chocolate, and not cocoa with which it has been confounded, 
for, as is pointed out in the O.E.D., the Mexican " cacautl " is, so far as 
is known, a radical word of the language. 

' See vol. II., p. 311, for Mundy's remark on almonds as a medium 
of exchange, and for confirmation of his statement regarding cocoa 
beans, compare Dampier, i. 59, 62 : — " The Cacao Nuts, of which the 
Chocolate is made . . . are used as Money in the Bay of Campeachy." 
See also Beginnings of Currency {Indian Aniiquary, xxix. 29 — 4=5, 


I-Iostages Demaunded For our Admiralls landing att 


The ^th October [1637]. Wee were sentt unto Macao, 
where wee Delivered a lettre containing some reasons 
wherfore our Admirall could not come himselffe. How- 
ever, if they would Deliver us 2 hostages, viz., the said 
Padre for one, and the other to bee one of the Councell 
off the Citty, that then hee would come, otherwise 
Desired to bee excused 1. The people in generall shewed 
themselves very straunge towards us, scarce any comming 
Near us. Yett was I in private told by one thatt there 
were Mandareenes come downe to treatt aboutt our 
businesse and thatt it was rumoured if wee would con- 
discend [agree] and promise Never to Molest them more 
in these partts, our Merchantts should bee Freed and 
goodes and Monies released. Soe having there awaited 
a good space For an answear wee were at length willed 
to goe away withoutt itt., whither it should be sent us. 

Signes of reconciliation withall and Hopes of our 
merchantts etts, restoration. 

Thatt afternoone, however, one of the Generalls 
pages came and overtooke us aboutt the pointy and 
broughtt us our answear from him. At that very tyme 
there passed along close by us certaine China Juncks 
armed, off whome wee were somwhatt in doubt. They 
contrariwise, when they saw us. Fell to piping and Drum- 
ming as they went, signes of some reconciliation to be 
made, and that (as wee were told) there were in them 
Mandareenes come Downe to Negotiate all. 

1 In the letter from the Council at Macao to the King of England, 
a translation of which is given in Appendix E, the Portuguese com- 
plained bitterly that Courteen's merchants should so far have dis- 
trusted and insulted them as to demand hostages. They attributed 
this suspicion mainly to the influence of Captain Swanley. 

2 The southern point of Lintin Island, off which the fleet was lying. 


In the Interym of our absence came lettres from our 
Merchantts at Cantan full of hopes to bee shortly restored, 
with Monies and Merchandize, or elce these country 
commodities in lieu therof, By reason the vice Roy off 
Cantan (or rather one of the Kings Secretaries) was' com 
thither to hear the Matter, Soe thatt now wee beegan to 
recover hopes thatt wee should ere long see them all 
safely againe, which untill now wee Made great Doubts 
whither wee should see them this voyage or Noe. 

Our Admirall ad venture th on shore : How accompanied 
and Receaved into the Citty of Maccao. 

The 8th of October [1637]. Came another lettre from 
the Generall and Councell off the Citt}^ broughtt by 3 
persons of quallity^ (whome wee mightt have Deteyned 
butt Did not), earnestly intreating and requesting our 
Admirall (Cheifely) and the rest of the Commaunders of 
the Fleete to come to Macao-. There were many incon- 
veniences, Doubtts and Daungers cast if hee went ; 
and seeing None of the rest of the Commaunders would 
goe with him, hee went alone, accompanied only with our 
Minister, The Purser of the Dragon^ and myselffe. Wee 

^ In the letter to King Charles I., noted above, the Council at Macao 
stated that they sent persons of authority to meet Captain Weddell 
and complain of his want of confidence in their benevolent intentions. 

^ Weddell {O.C. 1662) Says that " the Governor and Council 
perceivinge " that the English intended to obstruct the Japan fleet, 
tooke Councell, and made a decree that if I would Come ashoare 
and promise to goe to Leeward of the Hand, wee should have free 
libertie to Come on shore and buy and sell what the Cittie afforded. 
Soe there Came 2 Gentlemen aboarde in a sculling Junke and brought 
mee ashoare. 

■^ For Arthur Hatch, minister, see ante, note on p. 245. The purser 
of the Dragon was Christopher Parr of Salthouse, Norfolk, who had 
been accused of engaging in private trade on the voyage out (see p. 36). 
It is probable that he perished with Captain Weddell when the Dragon 
was lost in 1639. His will, dated 23rd December 1634, was proved 
by his mother Ehzabeth Parr on the 6th March 1640. He had had 
mercantile transactions in the Levant, Italy, " Muscovia," etc., and 
left a considerable estate. See Wills, P.C.C., 127 Harvey. 


were conveyed in their owne Choa or China vesselli. 
Att our passing Nere the Fort off St Francisco ^ wee 
were from thence sahited with 5 great peeces of Ordnance, 
And att our landing on the strand were receaved by the 
Councell and the Antients of the [? city], conducting us 
to a very faire house retchely furnished with Plate, 
Beeumbos, Chaires, Cottes, hanguings, etts. 

Beeombos to what use. 
Beeombos^ are certaine skreenes of 8 or 9 Foote 
Deepe, made into sundry leaves which principally serve 
to Divide a roome or to sequester some part therof, 
as allsoe for Ornament, placing them against the walles. 
They make a Most Delightsome shew, beeing painted 
with variety off curious lively colleurs intermingled 
with gold, containing stories, beasts, birds, Fishes, 
Forrests, Flowers, Fruites, etts. They are commonly 
in 2 pairts [sic], each part containing 8 leaves or plaites, 
some of them worth 100 Ryall of eightt the paire, some 
More, some lesse. 

A Dinner how served in [Macao] . 

Our Dinner was served in plate, very good and 
savoury to my Mynde, only the Manner much Differing 
From ours, For every Man had a like portion of each 
sort of Meat broughtt betweene 2 sillver plates, and this 

^ Cantonese is'o, a sea-going junk. The only other examples of 
the use of this term by European travellers that I have found are in 
letters from the Viceroy of Goa to the King of Spain. Compare the 
following from letters dated igth January and 26th February 1637 
N.S. {Lisbon Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Translations, vols. 
X. and XI.) — " If the commerce with Manila is closed, the inhabitants 
of Macao will immediately arm some small vessels, which they call 
cho's, and in secret will load them with goods. . . . No vessel has come 
from Macau, although three had left, namely, two pachos [pak-ts'o, 
sea-going trading junk] and a Cho [ts'o, a sea-going junk]." 

^ The fortification of Macao was begun in 1616. Sao Francisco 
contained one of the three shore batteries commanding the outer 
harbour. See Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, p. 64. 

* Sp. biombo, a screen. 


often Chaunged, For before a man had Don with the 
one, there was another service stood ready For him ; 
Allmost the same Decorum in our Drincke, every Man 
his silver Goblett b\/ his trencher, which were no sooner 
empty butt there stood those ready thatt Filld them 
againe with excellent good Portugall wyne. There was 
allsoe indifferent good Musick of the voice, harpe and 

The Conclusion off our comming. 
After Dynner wee went to the Captaine Generalls, 
and From his hee came with us to the Towne [Senate] 
house. Where came a taccassy^ etts. Mandareenes to 
conferre aboutt our businesse. In Fine, it was con- 
cluded thatt 4 principall Portugalls should bee appointed 
to goe For Cantan there to Negotiate our Merchantts 
liberty etts. [and other things] thatt Mightt Concerne 
us, as they said. 

Sundry habitts of Chinois. 
Having often mentioned Mandareenes and in my 
passage to and Fro scene sundry sorts of habitts used 
among the Chinois, as of the Mandareens aforesaid, 
with others, I have sett Downe such severall sorts as I 
Doe remember to have scene aboutt Macao, Tayffoo, 
etts. viz. 

[Mundy's explanation of Illustration No. 30.] 

A. The habitt of those wee call Mandareenes (a 
portugall word)^ beeing officers of Commaund, having 

^ Cant. Tai-ke-sz, Recorder, Registrar. Compare the following 
contemporary allusions to this officer. " A judge of the court, and called 
in their language Tequisi." Mendoza, ed. Staunton, il. i88. " There 
IS also another Tribunal call'd Ti Kiu Su, and by the Portuguese 
Tai qui si." Magaillans, pp. 248 — 249. 

^ S&^ante, note -on p. 165. Mundy is here very interesting, because 
even as early as 1637 the Portuguese in Macao had started a false 
derivation for the term " Mandarin " from their own mandar, to hold 
authority, which misled many scholars, English and German, up to 
the 19th century. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mandarin. 

No. 30. Sundry habits of Chinois. 


aboutt their middle a great girdle in which 2 such as 
himself may bee conteyned, made to stand outt, with 
the Kings armes embrodered before and behind them, 
somwhatt like the figure of a lyon^ They were it not 
ordinarily, butt fitt themselves when occasion requires, 
For I have scene the same parties thatt att sometymes are 
as No. A. ; att other tymes I have scene them as No. D. 

B. The same made sidewise thatt the forme of his 
Cappe may bee scene ^ as allsoe the forepart of his body. 

C. A gentile yong Fellow with a curious netting 
caule' over his head, his haire comming through beehind, 
which is Made uppe in Knobbes after the ordinary Manner, 
having a bodkin and Comb sticking in it, a Fanne in his 
hand*, with long garmentts ; Soe thatt I thincke Noe 
men in the world in their outtward habitt More resemble 
weomen then of these Doe. 

D. Another attire I thinck common to all of the 
better sort ^ 

E. The ordinary and common sort of people, it is 

^ Compare Montanus, pp. 413 — -417, " Marks of the Mandarins. 
. . . Another mark or sign of the Magistrates is a certain Girdle made 
fast about their Waste, which they call Quonthat [Cantonese ktlen-iai, 
embroidered girdle] ; it bears four Fingers in breadth, is wider than 
their Bodies, and adorn'd at one end with a Tassell, made of artificial 
wrought Pieces. . . . Every Mandarin hath before his Breast on the 
Coat, and behind his Back, a square Patch or Piece curiously stitch'd 
with Gold and Silver Thred, and in the middle a Signal or Token of 
their Office and Quality, which are diverse, according to their several 
Employments. . . . Military Officers have Images of Panthers, 
Tygers, Lyons, and other ravening Creatures." See also Du Halde, 
II. 28 — 29. The device of a lion of India, Cant, sz'-tsz' , is the insignia 
of a military Mandarin of the second rank. See Ball, Things Chinese, 
P- 358 ; Gray, China, i. 366. 

* See Montanus, Illustrations C and D, facing p. 419, for similar 

^ A horsehair cap, a net for the hair. See Semedo, p. 30, for caps 
and " Cawles." The cap, the term for it and the mode of wearing the 
hair are all now obsolete. 

* Compare Montanus, p. 423, " Both Men and Woman carry a 
Fan in their Hands Winter and Summer, and it is accounted modesty 
to hold them before their Mouths when they speak." 

^ Here Mundy is depicting an obsolete form of a scholar's cap 
worn chiefly by the Confucians. See Montanus, p. 425. 

M. III. 17 


said thatt when they Marry they were Caules from 
their forehead to this Marke *^ 

F. The same with hattes of leaves and rattanes^. 

G. Another sort ^ 

H. Another sort, of which I saw butt one*, which 
was when wee went aboard the Junckes to the Mandareene 
of Lantao^. Many with those kind off hattes stood 
on both sides ; some of them I had scene att other tymes 
in the habitt of Mandareenes as No. A., as allsoe of the 
letter D., these beeing Commaunders of thatt Fleete, 
and the said Mandareene, of Lantao over them all. 

I. A poore fellow with a short Cloke and Coate all 
in one. Made of Cajanes^ or Coconutt leaves to keepe 
them from the Raine, Most commonly boatemen. 

K.. Many youthes and boies I have scene in this 
manner, butt no Men, part offe their haire hanguing loose 
aboutt their browes and head and the rest bound uppe'. 

L. A Mandareene or officer sitting in his officiall robes 
att a table writing with a pensilP as all in generall Doe. 

M. Is thatt which holds his Incke, the one side 
containing blacke, the other redde ; 2 little partitiones 

^ Mundy is alluding to a custom which prevailed before the Tatar 
conqiiest of China, when, on attaining their twentieth year, Chinese 
youths tied up their hair and w^ore a horsehair cap over it, in contra- 
distinction to the modern custom of shaving the head with the excep- 
tion of one lock of hair, which was originally imposed on the Chinese 
by an edict of 1627, as a badge of subjection to the Tatars. See 
Williams, Middle Kingdom, p. 761. See also Purchas His Pilgrimage 
■ed. 1626, p. 443. Mundy 's remark shows that the edict was not 
generally carried out in S. China in 1637. 

^ The summer hat, made of straw, bamboo or rattan. 

' Headdress of Buddhists. For a similar Illustration, see Montanus, 
p. 438. 

* Headdress of Taoists. See Montanus, p. 583, for similar head- 

^ See ante, p. 218. The illustration depicts a farmer's raincoat, 
Cantonese, tsau-vU. I am indebted for these identifications of costume 
to Mr. M. C. Jame. 

* See ante, note - on p. 132. See Montanus, p. 358, for similar 

' See note ', supra. 

' That is, the brush used for writing Chinese characters, Cantonese, 


with water where hee Dippes his pensill and so tempers 
his Inckei. 

N. An Invention of [sic] with 5 peakes or spires, 
wheron hee putts his pencills For nott Fowhng the 
Carpitt or table. 

O. The paper, beegining their writing at the left 
hand and their lines from the toppe downe toward the 

P. His Fanne : seeldome any Men of quallity withoiitt 

O. A quitasoU [umbrella] held over him^, if hee bee 
in the sonne : Scarce any withoutt them as they passe 
to and Fro. 

R. A large board with a long handle with a paper 
pasted over it, wheron, I conceave, is written his Com- 
mission, and is allwais with him and carried before him 
as hee goes^ 

S. As I remember, when our prisoners came before 
Nurette, they all fell Downe on their knees and strooke 
their foreheads against the ground 3 tymes*. 

T. Inferiour people kneeling before officers, itt beeing 
usuall ; and for thatt purpose I have scene some with 
little Cusheons tyed to their Knees ^ 

V. A Table covered with Damaske, Fastned at the 
Corners with buttones and loopes ; this is ordinary silke, 
beeing heere soe Cheape. 

^ Chinese ink, Cantonese, ma/%. See Le Comte, p. 187. 

^ The state or official unabrella, Cantonese, lo-sdn. See Montanus, 
p. 416, for the number of umbrellas permitted to Mandarins. 

^ See ante, note - on p. 171, for previous mentions of the p'ai or 
ofticial rank boards. 

* Mundy seems to be alluding to the crew of the junk seized by the 
English on the 12th August. Noretti probably acted as interpreter 
between them and their captors. 

^ Cantonese, pau-sat, knee-pad, lit. wrap-knees. 

Montanus also remarks (p. 420), " Those that appear much 
before Mandarins, wear generally small Cushions ty'd to them, the 
bigness of a Hand to save their Knees, because they are forc'd during 
all the time of their Discourse with them, to Kneel." 

17 — 2 


When the Portugalls brought us a protest From 
Macao unto Fumaone^ where wee rode, Then satte 
Nurette in state on the Dragons halffe Decke according 
to lettres L. M. N. O. P. Q. R. V. 

Our Choppe [chhdp] or Patent From Cantan Falsely 
interpreted by Nurette. 

Allsoe when the said Nurette came From Cantan 
with our Merchantts, then broughtt hee us downe a 
Patentt pasted on a board ^ as lettre R., which hee 
Construed unto us cleane contrary and Most Fake (as 
afterward appeared), Interpreting all on our sides, As that 
wee should have Free trade For 4 shippes yearly, with a 
convenientt place to inhabitt and to secure our shippes, 
Itt beeing all contrary as aforesaid (As itt was expounded 
by a Jesuitt skillfull in the tongue) ; butt wee will not 
beleive him'. Moreover, by the Merchantt of the Junck 
taken and Antonio the Caffer*, their Interpretation 
agreeing with the Jesuitts in most things, these wanting 
language to express their Meaning, the effect of the 
Contents was Thatt how wee Durst with our shippes 
come uppe soe Farre — willing us to beegon, elce they 
would use all the Force they could to expell us, and thatt 
they would not leave us one Ragge of saile, which was 
one of their termes, and other things of the same Nature. 
The Jesuit had it worse, wee beeing stiled redhaired 
barbarians, etts*. Soe thatt hereby only wee mightt 

^ On the 6th September. See ante, p. 221. 

2 See the diary of the 21st August, ante p. 212. 

' " Will " should apparently be " would." Courteen's merchants 
were at first unwilling to believe that Noretti was playing them false, 
but by this time they were convinced of his treachery towards them. 
For further remarks on the false interpretation of the Chinese docu- 
ment sent by Noretti from Cantoh, see the letters from Domingos da 
Camara to the Viceroy and from the Council at Macao to King Charles 
I. (Appendix E). 

* Sec ante, -pp. 192, 2^1. 

* See the translation of the " Chapa " of 27th October 1637 N.S., 
given in Relatioti xxv., ante, p. 214. 


perceave it was Nnrettes close contrived treachery in 
beetraying our Merchantts and Imployers Meanes uppe 
att Cantan. I say hee was the engine whereby itt was 

The attire of the heades of letter A. B., the Caule 
on lettre C, the Chapparone^ of lettre D., and the round 
Cappe of lettre G. are all Made of blacke horse haires, 
either of the Mane or tayle, very curiously wroughtt and 
woven, Soe thatt through the worcke may bee scene 
their haire made uppe on the Crowne of their heads. 
The most eminentest thatt I have yett scene are those 
of lettre A. 

The Mandareenes thatt came aboard of us, as soone 
as they were outt of our shippe into their owne boate. 
putt off their official abilementts and Dressed themselves 
after an ordinary Manner. Questionlesse many other 
straunge Fashioned attires are used Farther uppe in 
the Country. 

As For the apparell of their weomen, I cannott say 
Much, having scene None butt the poorer sort, and those 
Differ butt little From the Men, The haire on their heads 
Made uppe after the same Manner, allthough in greater 
quantity. Jewells, Chaines, etts., I could [see] none 
worne by men, either Ritch or poore, aboutt their 
Necks, armes or in their cares. Neither weapons by 
their side. 

I have here only endeavoured to shew somwhatt of 
their habitts. As For their phisiognomyes, they are 
for the most part small Eyed, wyde mouthed and Flatte 
Nosed, of a swart coullour those thatt live hereawaies, 
it beeing allmost under the tropicke of Cancer (allthough 
there bee amongst them many handsome Faces and 
proper men) ; their beards very thing [sic] with few 
haires, butt long, which I conceave to bee Naturall in 

1 Usually spelt chaperon, aa obsolete term for a hood or cap, from 
Fr. chaperon, a hood. 


the most part. Others pull them outt and keepe them 
soe. Some greatt thick beards I have seene, butt very 

Having made this short Digression off the Chinois, 
I will now returne to the Portugalls in Macao. 

The gth of October [1637]. After Dinner wee made 
accompt to have come away, having taken leave of the 
Captaine generally as allsoe of the Captaine of the galleon 
then present, And a writing given by our Admirall under 
his handi Thatt if the Hayto [Hai-tao] etts. Mandareenes 
would Deliver uppe Our Merchantts and Meanes Detevned 
in Cantan, thatt then hee would Forthwith Depart and 
Never trouble these parts No More. I say, leave beeing 
taken, the writing given and wee ready to come away, 
wee were Disapointed off a boate, Soe stayed and lodged 
att the house of Captaine Antonio Olivera Aranha^, 
one of the 4 Governours off Macao, who are elected 
every year, and Doe Dispose of Most of the Citty Matters, 
the Captaine Generall beeing For some Matters which 
particularly concerne the King^ 

Butt one Portugall woman in Macao. 

The house of the said Senor Antonio, with the 
Furniture, entertaynementt etts., was suteable to the 
Former*, Differing in this thatt wee were here served 

^ See infra, p. 264, for this document. 

^ A mistake for Antonio da Silveira Aranha, one of the Council 
at Macao. 

' The first Captain- General of Macao, Dom Francisco Mascarenhas, 
was appointed in 1623. He had power over the military both as to 
person and property. In civil cases also he had power to impose fines 
of fixed amounts. The ouvidor or chief-justice, the sargento-moy or 
major or the regiment, an alderman and a judge assisted him in the 
exercise of his jurisdiction, and it seems to be these four whom Mundy 
styles " Governours of Macao." See Montalto de Jesus, Historic 
Macao, p. 75. This organisation was apparently based on the con- 
temporary method of governing a Chinese city by four magistrates in 
grades. See Montanus, p. 408. 

* That is, the house where the party had dined on the 8th October. 


with weomen Maides, Chineses of his owne household, 
boughtt by him, wherof every housekeeper here hath 
Many who are accompted among their household stuffe 
or Meanes ; and by report but one woman in all this 
towne thatt was borne in Portugall ; their wives either 
Chinesas or of thatt Race heretoffore Married to 

China Men sell their Children. 

The poorer sort of Chineses selling their Children to 
pay their Debtts or Maynetaine themselves (which itt 
seemes is somwhat tollerated here), butt with this con- 
dition, as letting them to hire or binding them servauntts 
For 30, 40, 50 yeare, and after to bee Freed, Some 
sell them outrightt withoutt any Condition att all, 
bringuing them wrapt uppe in a bagge secretly by Nightt, 
and soe part with them For 2 or 4 Ryalls of eightt a 

Pretty Mestizninhes escolastica and Catalina^ 

There were att thatt tyme in the house 3 or 4 very 
pretty Children, Daughters to the said Senor Antonio 
and his kindred, thatt except in England, I thincke 
not in the world to bee overmatched For their pretty 
Feature and Complexion, their habitt or Dressing bee- 
comming them as well, adorned with pretious Jewells 
and Costly apparrell, their uppermost garmentts beeing 
little Kimaones^ or Japan coates, which graced them 

1 See Neuhoff, p. 214, for a similar statement. The practice of 
selling children to liquidate gambling debts still exists. See Gray, 
China, i. 242. 

^ Pretty mestiziiihas Escolastica and Catalina, i.e., Pretty little 
hri,lf-breeds, called Escolastica and Catalina. 

^ Kimona. This appears to be an early instance of the use of the 
word by Europeans. The first quotation in the O.E.D. is as late as 


Copy of the undertaking [dated] 9th October 1637, which 
the Commander of the Enghsh fleet signed, as 
follows {Lisbon Transcripts, vol. iv.) : 

I, John Weddell, Commander of the fleet of 
four English ships at present in the River of Macau 
by order of my Master, the most powerful King of 
England, declare : That if the Aytao of Canton, 
or his Mandarins, deliver to me my six men^ who 
are imprisoned by their authority in Canton, and 
the silver and merchandise they had with them, 
or any specimens of the products of China in exchange, 
that I will depart peacefully from Chinese waters, 
without injuring anyone, and will never return 
to these shores. 

This I promise and thereto set my hand, 

Macau, 9th April [sic ? October] Old Style. 

John Wedell. 
Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

The 10th of October [1637]. Having taken leave of 
Senor Antonio aforesaid, wee came away, and passing 
by the Fort at the barre-, wee were saluted by 5 peeces 
of Ordnance More ; and soe wee came aboard. Ail- 
though a great Many in our Fleete Made Doubt of itt, 
wee wellcommed those tha,tt came aboard with us 
(beeing the same thatt accompanied us on shoare) with 
good Cheere and gunnes 

The 11th [October 1637]. Wee wayed and fell Downe 
to the Enseada de Andres feo', where wee found the 
Galleon of Mannilla, whome wee saluted and shee us 
againe. In this place the Artillery yielded 3 excellent 
Distinct echoes, one after the other, with such ratling 

^ See anle, note ^ on p. 250, for the nanaes. 

* The battery of Sao Thiago de Barra which conamanded the en- 
trance to the inner harbour. 

' Urmston Harbour. See note ' on p. 251. 


and thundring as though the hilles had come tumbUng 
Downe, the land beeing close and high ground round 
about us. 

A limmitted trade obteyned att last. 

In Fine, wee had permission From the Portugalls off 
a limmitted trade in Macao, soe hired a house, setled 
people ashoare, Fell to Following our businesse on all 
hands, 1 selling our owne commodities, as Cloath, some 
Incense, etts., buying and shipping of theirs, as Sugar, 
Greene ginger, some stuffes, etts., butt until! the end 
of this Month Nothing of import entred uppon, by reason 
of the absence and trouble of our Merchantts. 

Running at the Ring : Juego de Alcanzias. 

In this space there was running at the ring and 
Allcanzias in Macao, of which 2 or 3 wordes, as allsoe of 
the place, inhabitantts, etts., as Followeth. 

One Day of this Month, beeing Sonday, Some of us 
were on shoare in the placa de Santo Domingo^, a spacious 
peece of ground levelled by art, where aboutt 15 or 16 
Cavalleros* on Horsebacke ran att the Ring. It was 5 
tymes carried away. This pastime hitherto I Never saw*. 

After this there was Juego de Alcanzias*, much used 
in Spaine. A[l]canzias in Spanish is the name of those 

^ From a remark in the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine 
Records, vol. lxiii.), it seems that Peter Mundy was in charge of the 
house and business at Macao at this period. 

2 In the centre of the city. 

^ Port, cavalleiros. 

* Mundy does not mean that the pastime was pecuHar to Spain, 
but only that he had not hitherto witnessed it. Running or Tilting 
at the Ring, a variation of Running at the Quintain, was a popular 
sport in England and on the Continent in the 17th century. 

* Mundy 's title is confusing. Juego is Spanish and Alcanzia is 
Portuguese. Lacerda, Port. Diet., defines Alcanzia as " a thin pot 
full of ashes or flowers," and " Jogo de cavallo em que se faz tiro com 
alcanzias " as "a sport used in Portugal where they had thin pots 
made, and riding, they throw them at one another, where they break 
on the armour." 


little round hollow empty earthen halffe baked balles 
with which they played, beeing like to such as are made 
For servauntts to gather Mony att Christmas etts. 
festivallsi, used allso in Spayne, the former taking the 
Name From the latter. Every Cavallero was bravely 
apparelled, with an adarga^, which is a great pastboard 
or leather buckler on his arme ; One halffe of them like 
Moores of Barbary and the other halffe like Christianes, 
each having their Negroes or Caphers [kafir], Cladd in 
Dammaske, an ordinary wear here For slaves and 
Servauntts. These carried launces with pendantts, 
wheron were painted their Masters Arnies, butt when 
they came to [the game of] Alcanzias, each Negro served 
his Master with the said earthen balles. This and Juego 
de Cannas* performed after one Manner, only there 
canes [? are used] insteed of balles. 

It resembles the play att Base used in our Country, 
viz., First comes outt one in Defhance ; another comes 
from the Contrary side to meet him ; then the first 
flies, the 2d pursues and Flings his ball att him, the other 
carrying his adarga beehind to guard his backe ; a 
third comes outt to rescue the first ; then the 2d returnes 
and Fhes ; a 4th soccours him, and a 5tt makes him 
retire, Flynging allwaies their balles on the Flightt. 
And thus they continue untill their horses and selves 
are weary. Their Horses are very smalle, butt quicke 
and Couragious (like our Cornish nagges), beeing of this 
country breede*. There were among the rest 2 or 3 off a 
farre larger size, butt those are broughtt From Mannilla. 

1 Special earthen boxes were used in Mundy's day by apprentices 
and servants for collecting Christmas doles. See N. and Q. 12 S. v. 
79 — 80. 

* Port, adarga, from Perso-Arabic darqa, a leather buckler or jerkin. 
' Here again Mundy mixes up Spanish and Portuguese. He should 

have written Juego de Can as or Jogo de Carinas. 

* The Cantonese horse, which is not much larger than a Shetland 
pony, is bony, strong and surefooted. De Morga (p. 276) describes 
the horses brought from S. China to the Philippines as " small, very 
sturdy, of long step, vicious, quarrelsome, and ill-natured." 


In whatt the Portiigalls att Macao Doe take Delightt 
in, with their recreationes. 

All the recreationes of this Citty ly within them- 
selves, As their faire large strong Ritche and well 
furnished houses. Their wives and Children as Ritche in 
Jewells and apparell, their Number off slaves (For the 
most part the Men slaves Curled head Caphers [kdfir, 
negro] and the Femalles Chinesas), Their meetings, 
Feastings and rejoycings att their weddings, Christnings 
and holidaies (which are often) ; having Neither Feilds 
Nor gardeins abroad, the Chinois not allowing them. 

A straunge plantt. 

Some trees are to bee scene here and there in the 
Citty and some smalle gardein plottes, butt in their houses 
Many galleries and tarasses Furnished with MacetasS 
or Flower potts, made into sundry shapes, wherin were 
various sorts of smalle trees, plantts, Flowers, etts. 
Among the rest a smalle tree (common here) growing 
outt off a Meere rocke or stone, which is putt into a 
panne or other vessell off water, soe that the water 
cover the roote and some part off the stocke, and soe it 
waxeth greater, having scene some off 3 or 4 Foote high-. 

Pretty Fishes. 

In the said panne they allso putt certaine smalle 
Fishes as bigge and as long as a Manns little Finger, 
their scales some of Silver and some off gould coullour 
shining, boughtt and broughtt From Cantan, Fed with 

^ Here Muiidy uses a Spanish word. 

2 Mr C. M. Jame identifies Mundy's "straunge plantt" as the 
Narcissus tazetta (Cantonese shiu-sin-fd. water fairy flower), which 
is grown in the manner described in the text. 

Sir David Prain who consulted a Japanese friend on the subject, 
informs me that though the Japanese do not treat Narcissus tazetta 
in this manner, the Coreans settled in Western Japan do so. 


bread, Rice, etts. There they continue a long tyme 
and breed, running in and outt through holes and con- 
cavities of the said rocke, beeing Artificall^ 

Both off the tree and Fishes I brought aboard to 
the Admiral! [Captain Weddell], butt in few Dales all 
Died For want off good looking unto, For they are very 
Nice [delicate] and tender to bee kept. 

Now and then in their Manchooas^, pretty boates of 
which there is scarce any house of quality butt is provided, 
they goe with their Families to the smalle bales and 
Creekes thatt ly among the adjoyning Hands round aboutt 
them, where they remaine 8 or lo dales, More or less 
according to their pleasures, under the tentts they carry 
with them, in some fine little vally by a Running water, 
off which here is store. These are the Delightts of the 
Portugalls in these parts, with others. 

Many Castles and Fortifhcationes att Macao. 

This Citty of Macao hath many Castles, Forts, 
plattfformes, etts., well stored with Ordnance and people', 
the Cittizens well Furnished with armes For themselves 
and Negroes, of whom there are Many. In my opinion 
a strong place*, and it behooves them, For the Dutch 
await all oportunityes to Dispossesse them off this as 
well as of others. To the Norward off the Citty is a 
little plaine where there were slaine of them aboutt 5 
or 600, by report, some few yeares since when they 

^ Goldfish, Cyprinus auratus or Carassius auratus, Cantonese katn-u. 
See Le Comte, p. 113, Montanus, p. 274, and Du Halde, i. 36, 11. 140 — 
141, for contemporary descriptions. 

' See note '' on p. 205. 

' The fortification of Macao was the result of the attempt of the 
Dutch to establish trade with China. In 1615 orders were issued by 
the King of Spain to render Macao defensible, and the work was com- 
pleted in 1626. See Semedo, p. 169 ; Neuhofi, p. 31. 

* Compare Neuhoff, p. 31, " Macao . , . exceeds all others for 
great Cannon . . . being cast of Chinese and Japan Copper." See 
also Magaillans, pp. 135 — 136. 


attempted this place \ To the Seaward it hath a very 
Faire large straunde, which, with the buildings theron 
goe all compassewise like unto a halffe Moone. On the 
Inner side of the Citty lieth a little rocky Hand called 
Isla Verde or greene Hand, beelonguing to the Padres 
of Saint Paule, or the Jesuits, and by them was caused 
to bee planted, soe thatt Now in a Manner it is covered 
with Fruit trees and yeildeth by report 2 or 3000 Ryall 
off eightt yearly profiitt to them^. I conceave thatt any 
off the rocky barren land hereabout mightt bee broughtt 
to the same passe by labour and Industry. 

Provision Cheape. 

All sorts off provisiones here, as bread, Flesh, Fish, 
Fruite, etts., very Cheape. 

Ritche Inhabitants. The habitt of the weemen att 
Macao, abroad, at home. 

This place affoards very Many ritche Men, Cladde 
after the Portugall Manner. Their Weomen like to 
those att Goa in Sherazzees or [? and] lunghees', one 
over their head and the other aboutt their Middle Downe 
to their Feete, on which they were low Chappines*. 
This is the Ordinary habitt of the weomen of Macao. 
Only the better sort are carried in hand Chaires like the 
Sidans att London, all close covered, off which there are 

^ The Dutch made various attempts on Macao from 160 1 onwards, 
the most serious being in June 1622 when they were defeated with heavy 
loss. For an account of the action, see Montalto de Jesus, Historic 
Macao, pp. 68 — -73 ; Danvers, Portuguese in India, 11. 214 — 216. 

^ Ilha Verde, Green Island, now known as Tui-lien-shan or Patera 
Island, forms the westward portion of the inner harbour of Macao. 
For its settlement and cultivation by the Jesuits, see Ljungstedt, 
PP- 135—138. 

^ Mundy means Persian shawls for mantillas fi^om Shiraz and lunggT, 

* Chappine, an obsolete form of chopine, chopin, a kind of shoe 
raised above the ground by means of a cork, or other sole, worn in the 
17th century in Spain and Italy. 


very Costly and ritche broughtt From Japan. ^ Butt 
when they goe withoutt itt, the Mistris is hardly knowne 
From the Maide or slave wenche by outtward appear- 
ance, all close covered over, butt that their Sherazzees 
or [? shawls are] Finer. The manner as lettre A in the 
Following Figured 

The said weomen when they are within Doores wear 
over all a Certaine large wide sleeved vest called Japan 
kamaones or kerimaones^, beecause it is the ordinary 
garment worne by Japoneses, there beeing Many Dainty 
ones broughtt From thence off Died silke and of others 
as Costly Made here by the Chinois off Ritche embrodery 
off coulloured silk and golde. I say they wear one of the 
said kimaones For their upper garment and their haire 
all made uppe on the Crowne of their heads, adorned with 
Jewells according to their abbillities. These kinde of 
Dressing, soe quickly to bee done, Doe become them soe 
well As others thatt bestow halffe a day aboutt them- 
selves, as per letter B in the Figure underneath*. 

Variable newes From our Merchantts. 
In this 20 Dales space wee had variable Newes of our 
Merchantts att Cantan, sometymes thatt they would bee 
here within a Day or two, other tymes thatt itt would bee 
long" ere they could come. Once the Jesuitts Man^ came 
running, calling For Albricias^ (which is a terme thatt 
signiffies a gratification For good newes) , which was given 
him. Then hee told us thatt our Merchantts were come 
within a league off the towne. Uppon which newes 3 
boates were sentt From the shippes to waift them 

1 For sedan chairs (Cantonese kiu), see Le Comte, p. 159 ; Du 
Halde, i. 224. 

- See Illustration No. 31 A. 

' See ante, note '■'■ on p. 263. 

* See Illustration No. 31 B. 

'■ The servant of Father Bartolomeo de Roboredo. See ante, 
p. 246. 

" Albricias, Sp., a reward given for some good news. 


No. 31. China Women. 


No. 32. A Japonian ; A Chinese making his Salutation. 


aboard ; butt they came nott att thatt tyine. Wee 
afterwards heard For a certainety thatt they were uppon 
comming away butt, on whatt occasion wee know nott, 
were called backe againe^ And thus have wee hung 
beetweene hope and Dispaire these many Dales, some- 
tynies Joifull, sometymes sad, according to the Newes 
wee receaved. 

The Portugalls Fleete returned From Japan. 

The ^tt of November. Came in the Japan Fleete Who 
sett saile From hence the 23d of July and Made her voyage 
the Meane while thatt wee lay tumbled, tost and Crost 
through variable Fortunes^. These reported thatt there 
were 12 saile of Hollanders arrived there before them who 
spoiled their Markett by underselling them. They may 
not Meddle with the Portugalls there, beeing Forbidden 
by the King or Emperour of Japan. The Dutch have 
theire a Factory ^ the Portugalls None, allthough nott 
long since they had a faire towne, butt on some occasion 
Driven thence. Now att present when they arrive with 
their yearly Fleete, they keepe their Mart or faire on a 
certaine Hand, and are to Depart on such a Day of the 
Moone precise*. 

The Emperour of Japan his hatred to Christians : 
his Cruell lawes against them. 

This Emperour beareth Mortall hatred to the Jesuitts, 
having of late yeares putt Many of them to Death by 

1 See the diary of Courteen's merchants of 14th October, infra. 

- From the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. 
LXiii.) we learn that the Portuguese fleet had " made a very harde 
voyadge " to Japan. 

^ The Dutch established themselves at Hirado (Firando) in 161 1 
and built a factory which they called Fort Zelandia. In 1641 they were 
driven from Hirado to the islet of Deshima. 

* In 1636, by an Imperial Edict, the Portuguese were driven from 
Nagasaki, mainly through the machinations of the Dutch, and were 
restricted to the islet of Deshima for the purposes of trade. 


sundry sorts of tormentts^ And Now lastly this voyage 
they killed 5 Churchmen thatt came From Mannilla^ ; 
And by relation, if any shippe bee knowne to have 
broughtt any, the said shippe is to bee burned, the goods 
conffiscated, the Company imprisoned, the house thatt 
harbours them shallbee rased, the owner or Master 
Forffeits his liffe and all the Neighbours Fined. Unto 
whomsoever can Discover or Detect any, shallbee given 
the valine of [blank] Ryall off eightt a head. Yett 
Neverthelesse some repaire yearly thither. These rigour- 
ous conditiones extend not to Jesuitts and Churchmen 
only, butt alsoe to all Christians in generall, as well of 
their owne Nation as portugalls, etts., seeking to roote 
Christianity quite outt of his Country, having banished 
long since all those thatt proffessed Christian Religion. 
Soe much by common report ; not unlikely to bee true". 

A lettre From our Merchantts : goods provided 
by them att Cantan. 

The 10th November [1637]*. Wee receaved a lettre 
From our Merchantts att Cantan wherein they advised 
thatt they had provided aboutt 5 or 600 tunnes offe 
Sugar, greene ginger, Sugar Candy and China rootes, 
and had Fraighted 3 greatt Junckes to lade it in, with 
which they hoped to come Downe themselves very 

1 The persecution of Christians in Japan began in 1597 under the 
Emperor Hideyoshi, and continued until 1638 when the bulk of the 
Christians, European and Japanese, perished in the massacre of Hara. 
The ruler in Mundy's time was lyemitsu (1623 — 1650). 

2 In spite of severe edicts against any who should convey Jesuits 
to Japan from Manila or Formosa, there were constant attempts on 
the part of the Fathers to encounter martyrdom. See Lisbon 
Transcripts, Books of the Monsoons, Translations, vol. x., Viceroy to the 
King of 26th February 1637 N.S. 

^ The information given to Mundy was substantially correct. 
See Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macao, ch. vii. ; Kaempfer, History 
of Japan, vol. i., book 4, ch. vi. 

* Mundy does not record the sale of the Anne (though he alludes 
to it later on) on the gth November to the captain of the Spanish 
galleon for 3,500 reals of eight. The transaction is noted in the Con- 
tinuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) 


sodainely. Allsoe thatt wee mightt Free our prisoners 
if wee woujd, which accordingly wee did, viz., 8 taken 
in a great Jimcke as aforementioned ^ and one thatt wee 
tooke From the shoare. These 9 were released and Mony 
given them to bear their Charges, with a lettre allsoe 
to our Merchantts, they Departed. 

One prisoner wee reserved, it beeing hee thatt was 
taken in the Fire Juncks. This Fellow having escaped 
and bin healed of Most Desperate and Deadly wounds^, 
seeing his Fellowes set att liberty and himselff yet kept 
in Durance, beelike Dispairing ever to bee Freed, butt 
rather reserved For some Further Cruell punishmentt. 
It is said hee leaped overboard, and beeing laden with 
Chaines and bolts of Iron off great waightt, Suncke 

Plaies exhibited by the Chineses to the Common 
people gratis. 

The 12th [November 1637]. Beeffore the Captaine of 
the galleones lodgings (which was in very Faire house 
beelonguing to the Jesuitts) was erected a scaffold or 
Theater, wheron was acted a play perfformed by China 
boies. The outtward action seemed pretty well unto 
us, and well Favoured boies ; their singuing somwhatt 
like to thatt in India, all in unison 3, keeping stroke 
and tyme with tabours and Copper vessells. It was 
Don in the open place to all Commers withoutt any 
Mony Demaunded. It seemes Men of quallity, uppon 
causes off rejoycing, as weddings, birth off Children, 
Feast, etts., Do exhibit and bestow these plaies among 

^ See ante, p. 239. " See ante, p. 230. 

^ See vol. II., p. 217, for Mundy's remarks on Indian music. Compare 
Neuhoff, p. 166, " Their Vocal Musick consists of one note and tone 
as it were, for they know not how to alter or raise their Voices higher 
or lower, nor is it in use amongst them ; notwithstanding which they 
brag very much of their sweet Voices, which haply to their ears ac- 
customed thereto may seem pleasant ; but sure I am to ours they are 
both harsh and untuneable." 

M. III. 18 


the Common people gratis, they themselves paying For 
it^ They Acte allso with Men. 

Our Commaunders Invited ashoare to see a play in 
St- Paules Church. 

The 2$U November 1637. O^^ Admirall etts. [and 
the other] Commaunders Were invited ashoare by the 
Padres of San Pablo to see a play to bee acted in Saint 
Paules Church by the Children of the towne, there beeing 
above 100 thatt should representt ; butt they came 
Not. My selffe and others thatt were in towne went. 
It was part of the liffe of their Much renowned Saint 
Francisco Xavier, in the which were Divers pretty 
passages, viz., A China Daunce by Children in China 
habitt ; A Battaille beetweene the Portugalls and the 
Dutch in a daunce, where the Dutch were overcome, 
butt withoutt any reproachfull speeche or Disgraceful] 
action to thatt Nation. 

Another Daunce off broad Crabbes, commonly called 
Stoole Crabbes^, beeing soe Many boies very prettily 
and wittily Disguised into the said Forme, who all sung 
and played on Instrumentts as though they had bin 
soe many Crabbes ^ 

Another Daunce off Children soe smalle thatt it 
allmost seemed impossible it could have bin performed 
by them (For it might bee Doubted whither some off 
them were able well to goe [walk] or Noe), Chosen off 
purpose to breed admiration. 

Last of all an Anticke*, wherin one of them (the 
same that represented Francis [c]o Xavier) shewed such 

^ See Montanus, pp. 247 — 248, and Osbeck i. 323 — 324 for remarks 
on plays acted gratis in the streets in S. China in the 17th and i8th 

- Platycarcinus pagurus, the male of the edible crab. 

' Neuhoif, p. 46, describes " Dancing [at Canton] in shapes of Lions, 
Tygers and Leopards, and other strange Creatures of their Country." 

* A theatrical representation. 


Dexterity on a Druinme, tossing it aloft, turning and 
whirling it aboutt with such exceeding quicknesse, 
wjthall keeping toutch and stroke with the Musicke, 
thatt it was admireable to the beeholders. 

The Children were very Many, very pretty and very 
Ritchely adorned both in apparell and pretious Jewells, 
It beeing the Parentts care to sett them Forth For their 
owne content and Creditt, as it was the Jesuitts to 
enstructe them, who not only in this, butt in all other 
Manner [of] education are tutours and have the Care 
off the bringuing uppe the youth and yong Children 
off this towne, especially those of quallity. 

The Theater was in the Church and the whole action 
was perfformed punctuall}^ Not soe much as one among 
soe Many (allthough Children and the play long) was 
much outt of his part. For indeed there was a Jesuitt 
on the stage thatt was their Director as occasion offred. 

In whatt case wee were in at thatt tyme, N.B. 

In the Meane tyme itt went otherwise with us, Our 
Merchantts yett alofft [at Canton], wee in perplexity 
beelowe, our Mayne hopes overthrowne, viz., setling 
trade in China, Japan, etts. General Discontents 
throughoutt ; Nothing said to bee well Don ; Imputa- 
tiones [accusations] among the great ones, one uppon 
the other ; Discontented Murmurings among the In- 
feriours. However the generall businesse went, the 
private was closely Followed. Our Cheiffe Directors^ 
wanting ; the Companys Factors and businesse Disposed 
off by Sea Commaunders, among whome Much Con- 
tradiction. In breiffe, all in a Conffusion, Misffortune 
having in a Manner hitherto Followed all our proceedings, 
viz., prohibition off trade where wee most expected, 
Death off Men, treachery among straungers. Discontents 
among ourselves. God send a good end to all. 

^ Nathaniel Mountney and Thomas Robinson. 



The arrivall of our Merchantts From Cantan. 

The 28th November 1637. Our as long expected as 
Desired Merchants arrived att Macao (having bin wanting 
since the 24th off August, 3 Monthes and 4 Daies) in 
certaine China vessells, and would in them have come 
Directly aboard, butt were not permitted beetweene 
the Portugalls and the Chinois, one putting the Fault 
on the other ; both Culpable. They broughtt with 
them much off the goods they advized offe. 

The experiences of Courteen's merchants in Canton 

September — November 1637 {Continuation of the 

China Voyage, Marine Records, vol. LXiii.). 

j.4fth September 1637. Nathaniel and John 
Mounteney with one youth [Charles Webb], beinge 
in Canton, and Thomas Robinson with a servant 
of N. M. and a saylor of the Shipp Sumte [Simon 
Grey] detayned abourd the Kinges Joncke, neither 
the one nor the other Party could procure the con- 
veighance of a letter, nor could come to understand 
what had passed belowe with the Shipps, nor how 
their owne Cases stood for many daies. And att 
this tyme was the host of their howse, togeather 
with his Sonne, haled forth to prison with ropes and 
chaines about their neckes (the sonne not beinge 
freed att their Comeinge away), and all the rest of the 
howshould putt forth, all fyer quenched and Pro- 
vision off victuall denied them, bills beinge sett 
upon the doores prohibitinge all access, and a guarde 
of Souldiers in the street to that End. Beinge in 
this treacherous manner thus handled for the space 
of 2 or 3 daies, in which tyme they sustayned them- 
selves with a little bisquett and racke ['arak, spirits] 
which they had in the howse, att length they re- 
solved Either to inforce a passage downe to the 
water side and to free themselves, or elce to perish 
in the attempt. And therefore, beinge fitted with 
swords and PistoUs, and haveinge pyled upp store 
of cleft wood against the doores, they made fyre 


with a burning glass, and in sight of the guarde 
who from without could discerne them, they began 
to kindle the heape, when they were presently 
called unto to forbeare till worde might be carryed 
to the Manderyn, who sent immediately unto them 
to knowe what they intended therby. 

They made answeare that beinge soe treacher- 
ously dealt withall, and havinge noe other present 
redress, they intended to revenge themselves by 
fyreinge the towne, and soe with the extreame hazard 
of their lives. Either to force a passage or to dye 
in the Attempt ; which resolution of theirs (beinge 
a qualitie wheroff those Cowardly people are not 
much guilty), togeather with the badd success of 
the fyre Jounckes^ and the revenge which ours 
in the Shipps were then prosecutinge, caused him 
presently to inorder the doores to be opened 2. Yett 
the guard continued still without, not permitting^ 
any thing to be brought unto them untill that, 
beinge sharpned by necessitie, and seinge divers 
people howrely passing by from the markett with 
flesh or Fish in their hands, as the use there is, John 
Mounteney did divers tymes with his sword in one 
hand and monney in the other, seize upon their 
victualls, payinge them for the same, by which and 
the like tryalls which they had made of their patience,, 
they found the English not to be such as the Portu- 
galls had reported. Moreover, they had then re- 
ceived what they thought might be for that tyme 
Expected in bribes from those our hollow harted 
frends, and therefore att length began to Consider 
upon a restitution to be made for our goods and 
monies and to give way [yield] to our people 
accommodation there, each one shiftinge of the 
blame from himselfe, till att length itt was layde 
on the weakest shoulders and least able to bear the 
burthen of Envye (an usuall tricke amongst poli- 
ticians), and thus was our poore broker imprisoned 

^ See ante, pp. 227 — ^233. 

2 From the letter of 19th December T637 {Courteen Papers. Appendix 
D) we learn that the Chinese " Consented that an old fellowe whoe 
spoke a little Portingall should provide such necessaries as wee wanted." 


and with Easily found cudgells [was] soe bebosted^ 
that poore dogge, that they have scarce left him 
worth his skin. ' 

Our Shipps in the interim, not hearinge from the 
merchants, save only by gennerall reporte that 
they were imprisoned, ranged to and fro about the 
mouth of the rever^, pillageinge and burninge many 
vessells and villages and doinge many other spoiles, 
of which themselves can best relate the particulers, 
this register beinge then at Canton. 

2Wi September 1637 . . .^ Nathaniel and John 
Mountney beinge att some liberty, sent a letter 
downe to the Shipps and a coppy thereof to Thomas 
Robinson, who was not a little joyed (after soe longe 
detention) to understand of their safetye. 

They received in Canton 2 letters from the Shipps 
and one from Thomas Robinson (the Contents of 
all will appeare in the books of letters)*, and from 
that tyme they had some more freedome of sendinge, 
though with some interceptions. But the Shipps 
had then abandoned the river and were gone for 
Maccaw, where they arryved the 27th present . . . 

6th October 1637. The Admyrall Gennerall 
Champin [T sung-ping] sent to visite Nathaniel 
Mountney and his brother, and beinge desirous 
to tast some meate dressed after the English fashion, 
had caused his messenger to intymate so much unto 
them, wherupon they played the cookes and roasted 
certaine henns, etc., which togeather with some 
Bisquett, a bottle of Sacke and some other things, 
they sent unto him, wherewith he seemed much 
content and returned them many thanckes, assure- 
inge them of his frendshipp ; nor did he fayle them 
therin to his uttmost, And at their departure told 
them he was sorry he could doe noe more for them, 
beinge the plaine truth that the Portugalls had 
outbribed them, And had soe farr prevayled with 
the great ones that he alone was not able to oppose 

' Beaten with a cudgel, past participle of bebast. 

2 See ante, pp. 237 — 241. 

* The passages omitted deal with events chronicled by Mundy. 

* No copies of these books have been discovered. 


soe many. But he sollicited Chadjan [Cham-ja7t] 
and the newe Vice Roy to write in our behalfe to 
the Kinge, and himselfe had done the like. And 
this was found to be true after their comeinge away, 
as shall appeared 

8th October 1637. . . . This day Nathaniel 
Mountney beinge sicke, Champin sent one of his 
people to visitte him, And the same night Thomas 
Robinson was lycenced to doe the like, and arryved 
in Canton, beinge the first tyme they had seene one 
another since the beginninge of their detention. 

12th October 1637. They joyntly firmed [signed] 
a petition to the Mandryn for a free trade in China^ 
And then Thomas Robinson beinge att liberty, 
returned againe abourd his Joncke to awayte an 
order for the weighinge out of the Incense, which 
the Mandryns had now resolved to take and to 
give Suger and Ginger for it . . . 

Copy of the Second Petition made by the English to 

the Mandarins of Canton, this year 1637' {Lisbon 

Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv,). 

The merchants so and so who have recently 
come hither, because an interchange of kindness 
is praiseworthy, and this is done with respect to 
foreigners in the Kingdom itself ^ We, though 
we differ from those in Macau in affections and laws, 
nevertheless have one heart ; and they [the Portu- 
guese] have had intercourse with China for many 
years, and follow her laws, but we for eight years 

1 See Mundy's diary of 25th December, infra. 

" The " Second Petition " given below appears to be the one that 
was " joyntly firmed." For an explanation of the discrepancy in 
dates, see a note appended to the document itself. 

* There are two copies of this document among the Lisbon Tran- 
scripts at the India Office, one entitled as above, and the other, " Copy, 
of the Second Chapa." The latter title appears to be a misnomer 
since the Petition was not an official paper in the nature of a license. 

The wording of both versions of the Petition is in many places 
confused and obscure, occasioned no doubt by the translations from 
English into Chinese and from Chinese into Portuguese by persons 
imperfectly acquainted with the languages. 

* " The Kinsrdom " seems to refer to England. 


past have delivered many hundreds of hundreds 
of taels to those of Macau for them to sell goods to 
us^. But they, moved by cupidity, because the 
Oueves^ take their silver and owe it, excuse them- 
selves and will give us nothing, not even friendship. 

This year, from hatred, they would not receive 
our silver nor allow us to disembark, but put poison 
in our wine, rice and other provisions, so that more 
than seventy of our people died ; and the Mandarin 
of Casa Branca' saw this and is witness thereof. 
Wherefore we being unable to do otherwise, proceeded 
to the Mouth of the Tiger [Boca Tigris] to beg for 
help and pity. But here, on the contrary, the 
Mandarins would not receive us. We discharged 
some large pieces and broke the walls, pretending 
to fight, and going from place to place, we took 
from the inhabitants what we found, and we do not 
wish to restore it. Afterwards in pity they bid us 
go to Macau to trade, at which we greatly rejoiced. 
But the barbarians of Macau being wicked, of evil 
designs and covetous, we now beg that mercy be 
shown us and that instead of going to Macau, a 
piece of land be lent to us, from whence we may 
trade, and not desiring that it should be outside 
Macau, then a written license for a lantea'' to fetch 
and carry merchandise, with all things clearly and 
manifestly set down that chapas [official notices] 
may be affixed in all places, that we may depart 
for good, and we will commit no damage whatever ; 
and then from the Kingdom itself we may come in 
all security. 

This is a just rendering of what the petition 
contains, this day the 7th of October 1637 ^ 
Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo. 

1 See ante, note '^ on p. 210. - See ante, note ^ on p. 209. 

' See ante, notes on pp. 167, 231. 

* See ante, note on p. 172. One copy has " Canthea " which is 
obviously an error of the transcriber or translator. 

^ If, as stated in the Diary of Courteen's merchants, the Petition 
was signed on the 12th October O.S., it seems unlikely that it could 
have been translated as early as the 7th October N.S. or 27th Sep- 
tember O.S. It is possible, however, that it was drawn up on the 


14th October 1637. Aryved 5 Portugalls at 
Canton 1 who pretended to Captain Weddell that they 
had noe other business there, but only to sohcite 
the libertie of the merchants, then which they 
performed nothinge less, giveinge a thowsand lyinge 
informations against our nation, reportinge us to 
be rouges, theeves, beggars and what not. And 
wheras the Merchants before their cominge had 
promise of a sudden dispatch [and] had received 
part of what was agreed for upon their monnies 
and goods, these good trends began againe by new 
excessive bribes to hinder their proceedings, And to 
have them detayned and sent upp to Paquin [Peking], 
the Citty royall, beinge 2 months Journye in the 
Cuntry, from whence they must never have Ex- 
pected to returne. Two daies they were in Canton 
and detayned the letter they brought from our 
Shipps, not so much as once advizeinge the mer- 
chants of their arrivall. 

The 3rd day they sent a paultry groome unto 
them, who would have perswaded them to draw 
a petition in portugueze to their good worshipps 
that it might please them to bestowe a vissite upon 
them, which ridiculous message was as scornfully 
received and answeared by Nathaniell Mountney,^ 
sendinge them word that as the English in Canton 
neither knew of their Comeinge, nor yett had any 
occasion to use their Curtesie (so farr as they under- 
stood), they would not therefore become suitors 
for such a petty favour as a visitte from persons 
whose quallitie and condition was to them unknowne. 
They might doe therefore as they pleased. 

15^/? October 1637. Champin [Tsung-ping] haveinge 
Caused 4 petitions to Chad] an [Cham- j an] and the 
other Cheife Mandaryns to be drawne in the name 
of the English 2, he sent them to the merchants 

27th September and sent to Robinson on the 28th with a copy of the 
letter " to the Shipps " (see the Diary of that date), and that the 
Mountneys waited until Robinson's release from the junk and arrival 
at Canton, when they " joyntly fimaed " the document. 

1 Mundy only mentions "4 principall Portugalls." See his diary 
of the 8th October. 

2 No copies of these petitions appear to exist. 


to subscribe, which being done, they were presented 
on their behalf e. Their objects were to obtaine a 
present dispatch and a future trade, etc. 

After the audjence was broken upp, 2 Mandryns 
of quaUtie were sent from Chad] an and the rest to 
know iff the English would pay 20C [2000] tayes per 
annum for customes and duties, in consideration 
wherof they should be possessed of | Maccau and 
cnjoye all freedoms which the Portugalls did. And 
hereof they desired to be resolved, that they mighte 
forthwith advertize the Kinge and procure his con- 
firmation. And this they undoubtedly did, And 
answeare was arrived just att our thrustinge forth 
of Maccau, and indeed was the cheife cause of our 
pressinge to be gone, least it might have bin brought 
us by Paulo Norett}^ who was ready to come with 
it and the Kings Firman [farmdn, letters patent], 
as by his letters to our merchants appeares ; and 
however, the Captain Gennerall pretended disgust 
against us for Carryinge of passengers. 

In the afternoone the merchants were sent for 
to Champines [Tstmg-ping] pallace that Chadjan 
[Cham-jan] might (as he desyred) see them. They 
went in the best Equipage [display] they could, 
but he, detayned by some other occasions, came 
not, and soe they returned home to their howse. 

16th October 1637. The Portugalls came to 
visite our Merchants and delivered divers letters 
to [? from] the Shipps, and promised Convayance 
to some of theirs directed to Captain Weddell, etc. 

i8tk October 1637. Thomas Robinson went upp 
to Canton from the Joncke, and the next day they were 
all 3 called to a Pagode or temple of Idolls in a little 
Hand in the midst of the ryver afore the Cittie 
wher the Portugalls usually resided And there, 

1 According to Ljungstedt, p. 83, the port of Canton was closed 
against Portuguese shipping in 1631, but as stated eariier in the 
narrative of Weddell and his merchants {ante, pp. 175—176), they made 
theirway up the river through the inner passage. No confirmation has 
been found of the statement in the text that they had right of access to 
an island opposite the city. The place may be the "little He " mentioned 
in Purchas His PUgrirnes, ed. 1625 (First Book of the third Part, p. 
195), " in the Citie of Cantan in the middest of the River " where was 
" a maner of a Monasterie of their Priests." Mr M. C. Jame informs 
me that it is now known as Napier Island. 


before 3 or 4 counterfeite [imitation] Manderyns, 
they were by these worshipfull gentlemen accused 
of ingratitude towards them, Notwithstandinge which, 
forsooth, in Christian Charitie (iff Jews may have 
any) would redeeme them, and to that End the}^ 
were come. They must therfore give Consent forth- 
with to goe with them to Maccau, and there they 
would deliver them upp to Captain Weddell, upon 
Condition that they and all the rest of the Councell 
would promise to undertake in writeing for the King 
of England that he should never send any more 
Shipps into China ; and yett but one of them must 
goe from Canton till such tyme as answeare should 
be returned for the firminge of this goodly obliga- 

These propositions beinge uttered with their so 
solid or rather stolid Portugall gravitie, and before 
none but their owne counterfeite Creatures, wanted 
not much of begettinge an outright laught with our 
merchants, who fayled not roundly to tell them of 
their treachery and how little need they stood in of 
their soliciteinge their libertie, haveinge injoyed 
it before their arrivall, and indeed had never bin 
taken from them at all but by their procurement ; 
nor would they, unless Constrayned, goe with them 
to Maccau. And this and much more beinge de- 
liverde them by Nathaniell Mounteney, soe insenced 
their spleene against him, that they wrote most 
bitterly of his stuborness, both to the Shipps and 
them of Maccau 1, and told them presently that in 
despight of his hearted he should goe with them. 
x\nd their counterfeite roughes condemned him that 
he must pay 28,000 Rs. [reals] of 8 for the trade 
he [had] driven in Canton, which iff he refused to 
parte with, upon that faire pretence, it should be 
detayned however in a more disgracefull manner 
for the satisfaction of the robberyes and pillages 
which our people had Comitted in the river. And 

1 The letter from the Council at Macao to King Charles I. (see 
Appendix E), dated 24th December 1637 N.S., contains bitter com- 
plaints of the arrogance of Nathaniel Mountney. 

^ In spite of his inclination. 


this did these our good trends from tyme to tyme 
press all the Manderyns to prosecute, who utterly 
refused it, and dayly sought to hasten our despeed, 
some one or two Excepted, whom their bribes and 
falce informations had exasperated against us. 

20t]i October 1637. Nathaniell Mounteney beinge 
againe Called before these petty counterfeites, 
refused to goe, but sent Thomas Robinson and 
John Mounteney, who appearinge, were told by the 
mouth of an Arch villiane, the Portugall Jurabassa 
[juru-bahasa, interpreter], that the Manderyns 
had sentenced them to pay the somme of 28C 
[2,800] tayes, which was most falce, and paye it 
they must and then to be delivered over in to the 
hands of the Portugalls to trade under their protec- 
tion and licence att Maccau, for this yeare onely, 
but never more to returne upon paine of &c., for 
those of Maccau, as they themselves proffessed, 
beinge sonns and subjects of the Kinge of China^ 
ought not to be molested by such a theevish Nation 
as the English. Itt was answeared them a while 
after, upon the reiteration of these, that the English 
att their comeinge to Maccau supposed they had 
negociated with the King of Spaines subjects, but 
now by their owne confession, haveinge left the 
obedience due to him, wee hoped his Chatolique 
Majestie would hold us excused iff, receivinge wrongs 
from Chinesses, wee should seeke to redress our- 
selves upon those who proffessed to be the same. 
That their Jurebassa yesderdayes Exposition of the 
China sentence against the English [is] utterly 
falce will hereby appeare, for this daye Champin, 
who had gathered togeather most part of the goods 
and mouny, sent for them and made a reall [true] 
accompt with them for whatsoever was in his hands, 
and promised that, payinge the Duties accustomed, 
they should have an Annuall free trade and a place 
of residence where they pleased. 

2[?4]th October 1637. Thomas Robinson went 
abourd his Joncke and prosecuted the waighinge 
out of all the Incense and returned to Canton the 
same night ; and in 2 dayes he cleared that all 


ashoare, and then brought upp the other 2 men 
that were prisoners with him to the Cittye'. 

[?5]i(/i November 1637, About this tyme the 
merchants received a letter from the Councell 
touchinge their determynation to sell the Pinnace 
Ann to the Captain of the Gallion^. Now also 
were divers Jounckes in Canton takeinge in of suger, 
china rootes, boords for Chestes, Arracke^ etc. 
Provisions. And all our people, haveinge free 
lycence, departed abourd a Jouncke which they had 
hired to bringe them down to the Shipps; but 
they were constreayned to stay certayne dayes to 
accompany the rest, in the meane time enjoyinge the 
Comforte of the fresh ayre after their close howse, 
And haveinge free licence when they pleased to 
goe ashoare on the other side of the river amongst 
the gardens. , . . 

6th November 1637. Our good frends, the Portu- 
galls, perceivinge that, in despight of their treacheryes, 
our people had gotten their freedome and goods, 
sent to exsite them with a Congratulatarye message, 
.and told them there was an order Come from Chad- 
jan [Cham-jan] for their dispatch, with satisfaction 
for all their monnyes and goods, which was knowne 
long before .; but however, they would have seemed 
to have bin Officers in its procureinge. . . . 

gth November 1637. Two petty Mandryns att 
the Pagode in Canton sent to speake with our 
merchants and the Portugalls ; but they being 
busye in takeinge in of Sugar, Ginger, [China] rootes, 
etc., denyed to goe to them. Whereupon they, 
with 4 Portugalls came to the Jouncke side and 
demaunded iff they would goe to Maccau with them ; 
but they refused to goe forth of the Joncke unless 
they were forced, the Portugalls againe tellinge 
them that they should goe whethere they would or 
noe, and soe departed. 

i^th November 1637. A small Joncke that had 
"brought upp the Portugalls sett sayle this daye for 

^ One of these was Simon Grey. See ante, note ^ on p. 216. 
' See note * on p. 272 for the price realised for the vessel. 
3 Arrack, 'arak, spirits, probably samshoo, rice spirit. See ante, 
notes on p. 194. 


Maccau with one of these 5 great Negotiators, being 
verrye sicke. 

18th November 1637. Nathaniell and John Mount- 
ney went to Champin [Tsung-pmg] with a present 
to take leave of him. He desired a receipt for the 
goods he had laden abourd for our accompt, and 
promised to procure the rest to be sent after to the 
Shipps, and that they should have his Firma [fanndn, 
letters patent] for their dispeed. 

19;!^ November 1637. Receipts were passed by 
ours [our merchants] for whatsoever was received 

22d November 1637. Nathaniell and John Mount- 
ney (Thomas Robinson beinge verry sicke) went 
to Champin for their dispatches, who before twO' 
Manderyns demaunded off them whether they had 
received satisfaction for their goods. They ac- 
knowledged all but loC [1000] ryals, which was 
promised to be sent downe after them, and soe 
takeinge their fynall leave and beinge upon their 
departure, newes was brought that the 4 Portugalls 
awaited without for audience, whome Champin 
would not admitt unto his presence, but sent for 
their brokers to understand their business, which 
was to demaund the English to be delivered into- 
their hands. Itt was answeared that they would 
not goe without force, and beinge frends they were 
not to be Constrayned. And besides they had 
already received order to pass with their owne goods 
and Vessells. The Portugalls to this sent in their 
reply that iff the English were not under their 
power, then their Shipps att Maccau would oppose 
and trouble the quiett trade ; and they desyred 
them only to secure their owne goods and persons, 
and to bringe them to some good agreement. Wher- 
upon he [the Tsimg-ping] caused 2 interchangable 
writings to be made and fyrmed, by either partye 
that they should not molest or impeach one another,^ 
and soe dismissed them upon Equall tearmes, 
ordayneinge Either parte to imbarque and passe 
upon their owne vessells, haveinge firste contracted 

^ No trace has been found of these documents. 


fully with Nathaniell Mountney and caused him to 
signe a Condition that in leiwe of [return for] free 
and ample trade and residence, the Enghsh would 
yearly paye the Kinge 20000 tayes, fowre peece of iron 
ordnance and 50 musketts^ 

26th November 1637. O^^ merchants departed 
from Canton towards Maccau, and the same night 
the Portugalls dogginge them aloof e off^ sett sayle 
also and after the next daye came upp with them, 
desyringe them to come to ancker, which beinge not 
yeelded unto, they threatned the poore marryners 
of the vessells, who for feare obeyed their Commaund, 
whilest ours had neither language or power to Con- 
tradicte. Both ours and the Portugalls came in 
sight of Maccau where, contrary to the interchang- 
able Covenante passed betweene them and the 
• Express order of Champin, they tooke the goods 
and persons of our merchants, and in httle less than 
tryumphant manner brought them, towed att their 
sternes, into the porte of Maccau, the shoare beinge 
thronged with multitudes of spectators. And forth- 
with N. and J, Mounteney were called on lande, 
leaving Thomas Robinson (sicke of a dangerous 
Flouxe) abourd the Joncke, who that night came 
abourd the Sunn in hir Skiffe, where haveinge 
rested himselfe 2 dayes and taken some phisicall 
meanes, he went to the towne to assist the rest, 
where they continued with a thowsand interuptions, 
and dayly orderd to be gone, still investing what they 
could, beinge nowe thrust out of one howse by the 
Citties Comaund, and then out of another, till att 
last the Captain of the Spanish Galhon, with much 
curtesie, mannaged [controlled] their malice, har- 
boured them verry Conveniently in his spacious 
house, to the noe small disgust of the Portugalls, who 
notwithstandinge, att last, on the sudden, by divers 
importunate offices, gave them a fynall Expulsion. 

1 According to the instructions (purporting to have come from the 
Emperor of China) which reached Macao as the Enghsh were leaving 
the place (see the diary for the 25th December, infra), these conditions 
were renewed but were not then credited. 

2 Following them at a distance. 


The 29//? [November 1637]. Our Admirall etts. 
Commaunders went on shore, beeing therto invited. 

A writing firmed and Delivered to the Chinois. 

The ^oth [November 1637]. Our x\dmirall [Captain 
Weddell], Mr Nathaniell Mountne}^ and Vice Admirall 
[Captain Swanley] affirmed to a writing required b}^ the 
Chinois, and by themselves odly indited^ The afforesaid 
writing was given to a Tacazzee [tai-ke-sz]^, beeing a 
certaine Degree of Mandareene, who now and att other 
tymes satte aboutt our businesse. Hee was broughtt 
in an open Chaire beetweene 2 Men, butt much higher 
From the ground then our Sedans ; a quitasolle carried 
over his head ; Musicke, viz., a kind of hautboies and 
beating on brasse vessells, with severall ensignes, went 
before him^ 

Copy of the Undertaking signed by the English 
{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.) *. 

We the undersigned, solely in obedience to the 
orders of the Mandarins, give them this document. 
We all declare that through ignorance of the laws 
of China we did the things that we have done in 
entering inland into the country, trusting in the 
merciful King of China and in the great favours 
we have received from him, being men of distant 

And the Mandarins sent a Chapa [chhdp, official 
letter] to the City of Macau to bring us to Canton, 
to give security and bring us to Macau, from whence 
we may depart to our country ; and in conformity 

^ The document is given below. 

- See ante, note on p. 256. 

^ Du Halde, who has a similar description, adds (11. 29 — 30) that 
this ceremonial applies to Mandarins of the 5th order. See ante, pp. 86, 
259, 270 for notes on quitasol (umbrella) and sedan chairs. See also 
Neuhoff, pp. 136, 168 — 169. 

* This document is in Spanish and the attestation in Portuguese. 


with the laws of China, and never more to break 
them, we give this document upon our words ; and 
should we act in any way contrary thereto, we will 
submit to any punishments the Mandarins and the 
City of Macau shall order. In witness whereof we 
have drawn up this document in obedience to them. 
Macau, on the loth of December 1637 [N.S.= 
30th November O.S.]. 

Ri . . . OMLEY [Richard SwanleyJ 
Nath. Mount . . . enley [Mountney] 
— Wedell 

Compared with the original, which is in the 
Archives of this Court by me Gaspar Correa Coelho, 
ensign and notary thereof, on the 30th December 1637. 

Gaspar Correa Coelho. 

Thatt Nightt [30th November] they all came aboard, 
and other 2 Juncks arrived with more goodes, butt 
would not come aboard our shippes. Fearing belike thatt 
wee would have Deteyned them or don them some hurt 
in revenge of wrongs receaved From them^ 

Att our now hostes, who was allsoe our pilate comming 
hither From Mallacca^, in a little gardein of his, wear 
beanes growing such as wee have with us, I meane greene 
stalkes and leaves off aboutt a Foote high ; allsoe Mustard 
seede whose leaves were aboutt | yard long and above 
J yeard broaden by which men may see thatt Climates 
Doe allter the Forme off plantts etts, [and other] 
Creatures, as by Divers other instances. 

1 This fear appears to have been realised, for the Coniinuation 
of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) records, " The Jonckes 
with our goods were sent abourd and taken in, but much abused." 

2 See ante, pp. 144 note -, 147. 

3 Sir David Prain informs me that Mundy's " beanes " were 
probably the common Broad Bean, Vicia Faba. This bean has been 
cultivated in China since just before the Christian Era and was one 
of the only two sorts grown in England in Mundy's time, the other 
being a climbing variety of the French Bean, Phaseolus vulgaris. 

The large-leaved mustard plant (Sir David Prain also informs me) 
was the Brassica rugosa, known as the " Chinese cabbage-leaved 

M. III. 19 


An intent of myne owne to have gon a voiage of voiages, 
viz., round about the World : Reasons For it. 

Having From my Childhood bin exposed to traveill, 
First sent abroad by my Father\ afterwards imployed 
in Forraigne parts on trafficke of Merchandize^ this 
Custome beecame somewhatt Naturall unto Mee, Soe 
thatt Finding my selffe att presentt in or aboutt 120 
degrees off East longitude From England =*, Itt bredde 
in Mee a desire to proceed on the same Easterly course 
till I had ended where I beegan, and soe to have once 
made one circle round aboutt the globe of the Earth, 
which would have bin a voyage of voyages : encluding 
Many under one. 

The reasons I had For it were these Following : 

1. First, m}^ Naturall inclination and Desire, as 
aforesaid, having openly Declared my intent aboard 
our shippes. 

2. Secondly, the Successe off the voyage nott issuing 
according to our Desire, and now noe greatt use off 
Factors, I might therefore well bee spared. 

3. Thirdly, in regard wee are Now about | part off 
the way allready. 

4 Fourthly*, a good opportunity of a passage on 
the galleon off Manilla (having my selffe the Spanish 
tongue), who is to depart hence in Marche Next, it 
beeing aboutt 180 leagues thither. From Mannilla they 
Depart in June, and in December or January Following 
they arrive att Aquapulco in Nueva espanna [Mexico], 
accompted leagues 2500. They toutch nott, nor see 
any land all the way, except att one of the outt lies 
off the said Manillas or Philipinas. From Aquapulco 

1 In 1611. See vol. i. p. i. 
^ See vol. I. pp. XV — xvi. 
3 Macao is in 114° E. Longitude. 

* Here is a marginal note in the MS., " which way it was to bee 


overland to Pueblo de los Angeles S leagues 50. From 
thence they Depart in June againe to La Havana, which is 
leagues 400. From Havana the Fleete usually Departs 
in [blank] and arrive in Spaine aboutt [blank] Following, 
beeing 2000 leagues more. Then, From Sanlucar or 
Cales^ (where they usually arrive) is leagues 480. In 
all From England, to goe thatt way round aboutt the 
world, would bee leagues 11300, which will bee butt 
aboutt as Many as wee shall Make this voyage outtward 
and homeward when god shall send us to our Country*. 
And to goe For England From Macao either way is 
Near aboutt one, this wa}^ amounting to 5630 leagues 
as above*. 

5. Fifftly, I mightt Doe some service to our Imployers 
in Discovery off trade att the Mannillas, etts., which 
would bee useffull hereafter, if they wentt Forward. 

6. Sixtly, I mightt have saved them pounds 100 
att least, wee beeing all now homeward bound and little 
to Doe, willing to renounce my wages For the tyme of 
my absence if Need were, rather then Faile. 

Leave Demaunded, December 1637. 

In Conclusion, I Demaunded leave of the Captaine 
of the Galleon (Thatt in case I could gett licence off my 
principalis here, which I Doubted not offe For the reasons 
aforesaid) Thatt I mightt goe passenger on his shippe 
For Manilla, where I would Doe him any service thatt 

^ Puebla de los Angeles, the second city in Mexico, halfway between 
the city of Mexico and the port of Vera Cruz. Mr Alfred Maudslay 
tells me that as it stands on the high land, it was probably the usual 
stopping place for refreshment before descending to the torrid heat of 
the port. 

'^ Sanlucar de Barrameda or Cadiz. See vol. i. p. 14 n. 

* Mundy's Appendix ii., to be printed in a later volume, contains 
a dissertation on the earth's motion. 

* Here is a marginal note in the MS. : " A computation, in all, 
leagues 11,300, whereof 5670 from England unto Macao and 5630 
from Macao to England homeward by way of the West Indies, outt- 
ward bound being by way of the Cape of Good hope." 

19 — 2 


lay in my power. Hee shewed his unwilHngnesse therto 
'^y producing some reasons of State, viz., Thatt the peace 
concluded off in these partts was nott yett confirmed 
by our Kings and thereffore Durst not carry any straungers 
thither ; thatt the Governmentt there [at Manila] was 
very strictt and Rigourous and the Governor therof 
as absolute as any vize Roy, and such like, hee himselffe 
beeing very wary and Cautious, I meane the Captain. 
Soe, Finding allready such Difficulty on thatt side and 
some allsoe expected on this, I let the Action Fall, which 
I would willingly have undertaken, allthough to my greatt 
Cost and perill. Yett, if I should escape with liffe, I 
made accompt to bee noe greater looser in my estate. 
For carrying part therof to bear my Charge, I would have 
putt out the rest on good secuerty on this Condition, 
Thatt if I returned into England thatt way, they should 
pay mee 3 For one which they should here receave of 
Mee, Butt thatt if I Died on the voyage, then the goodes 
or Monies to bee Freely theires. 

The Catherine sett saile For Achein. 

The 20th December [1637]. The Catherine was Dis- 
peeded, and sett saile For Achein 1. From thence shee 
was to goe For Battacala [Bhatkal] and soe For England. 
On her wentt Mr John Smart and Mr William Barony 
Factors who were to remayne in India till the Fleete 
came thither. 

Some of our Men run away. 

There have bin Absentt these Many Dales 6 or 7 of 
our yong Men, supposed (and likely) to bee entertayned 

^ From the Ccnttinuation of the China Voyage [Marine Records, 
vol. LXiii.) we learn that a consultation had been held on the 12th 
December, " touchinge the dispeedinge of Shipp Katherine before 
the rest, with Advice and some Capitall to provide pepper att Achin 
and the coaste of India, against the Dragons and Sunns arryvall, and 
agreed to putt it in Execution forthwith." 

" See ante, pp. 21, 152, for these merchants. 


by the Jesuitts and gon in a vessell of theirs to Tunkee 
[Tongking]. For here these Padres trade in shipping, 
goodes and building, alleadging the Necessity off itt. 
As the greatt Charge they are att in sending their 
brethren to sundry parts where they have residences, 
with their Maynetenaunce, etts. there. As upp to Paquin 
[Peking] to the King of China every yeare goe some 
From hence with presentts, who For thatt purpose lett 
the haire off their head and beard grow, and travell 
Disguised in China habitt, allmost all the way by water, 
likewise to sundry other places hereaboutts, as Champa, 
Cauchinchina S etts., where they say they convert Many. 

Buriall places off the Chineses like the Turckes. 

Some Few Daies since, I with other Freinds walked 
Forth off towne, it beeing walled to landward. Aboutt 
^ a mile withoutt it are a Multitude of China graves with 
stones sett uppe at their head and Feete, resembling 
the buriall place above Gallata, going to Pera, by Con- 
stantinople ^ 

A Wall beetweene the Chinois and the Portugalls : 
To whatt purpose. 

Aboutt f off a Mile Farther is a very narrow Necke off 
land which Joines that part off the Hand wheron Macao 
stands -with the rest. Att this Narrow place is a wall 
overthwart, reaching From Sea to Sea, about ^ a Flightt 

1 See ante, notes on p. 154. 

2 Mundy has no reference to this burial place in his account of Con- 
stantinople and its environs (see vol. i. pp. 21 — 40). Of Chinese bury- 
ing grounds Montanus (pp. 374, 376) remarks: "All their C[h]urch- 
Yards and Tombs are near the City . . . Their Graves are neatly 
hewn out of Stone, and on the top adorn'd with Shapes of Beasts, 
as Harts, Elephants and Lyons, with Encomiastick Inscriptions." 
Compare also A. Hamilton, 11. 269 ; Du Halde, 11. 125 ; Osbeck, i. 339. 
But it is difficult to see a resemblance between these burial grounds 
and the very large cemeteries outside the walls of Constantinople. 


shotte in all^. In the said wall is a gate or passage with 
China watchemen^ through which No portugall May- 
passe without speciall licence. And slaves thatt have a 
Mynd to run away From their Masters, if they once gett 
through there, are saffe From Farther persuite, of which 
not a Few. Allsoe those watchemen Doe exacte and 
Collect some Dewties From the Country people thatt 
bring in provisiones, etts. And uppon occasion of 
Discontent with the Portugalls, the said gate is shutt 
and all Manner off Sustenance Debarred them b}^ the 
Chinois From whome they have itt ; thus by reports 


Some Few Japoneses wee saw in this Citty : most of 
them Christians. Those thatt are nott, shave the one 
halffe of their heads From the Crowne Forward, the rest 
of their haire tied beehind in a little knotte, butt very 
short*. They were buskins like Mittens, in 2 parts, 
one For their great toe and the other For the rest. On 
thatt a Sandall with one tye comming thwart over and 
the other before in the partition^. They blow their 
Noses with a certaine sofft and tough kind off paper 
which they carry aboutt them in small peeces, which 

^ The wall was built across the isthmus by the Chinese in 1573. 
Montalto de Jesus {Historic Macao, p. 32) says it was raised " as a 
delimitation of frontier, as well as to control the provisioning of the 
colony, although the alleged object in view was only to prevent the 
incursion of negro fugitives from Macao." 

^ The gate was called by the Portuguese Porta do Cerco. 

3 See Montalto de Jesus, op. cit., pp. 32 — ^^, for the mode of pro- 
visioning the colony of Macao. 

* The fashion of wearing the back hair drawn forward in a queue 
over the shaven middle of the skull is now obsolete among the Japanese. 

^ By " buskins " Mundy means the kind of sock, tabi, worn by 
the Japanese. It reaches only to the ankle and has a separate com- 
partment for the great toe. 

The sandal described in the text is the waraji which is fastened 
securely to the feet. The house sandal or zori is movable. Both 
kinds are made of straw. See Chamberlain, Things Japanese, s.v. 


having used, they Fhng away as a Fillthy thing, keeping 
handkcrcheifes off lynnen to wype their Faces and 
hands ^ 

Cloakes, etts., of Paper. 

The said paper is made by report off a certaine roote 
beaten smalle. I have allsoe seene Cloakes Made off itt 
as supple and plyantt as Cloath, which beeing oyled or 
gummed, keepe outt Raine very well.^ I have hereunder 
sett the Figure off a Japonian^ as allsoe of a Chinois 
Doing his salutation. 

A. [A] Japan[ese] in his Kimaone* or vest, with his 
Cotan by his side, and Dagger or Cuttbelly^ of whome 
I cannott say much. You may read off them att large 
in Mr Purchas his pillgrimage". 

The salutation off a Chinois : Touzzee Tabee and 

Bezo las Manos : whatt Most commonly 

the[y] are used For. 

B. An ordinary Chinese making his Salutation^ 
which is by laying one hand on the other. Drawing them 
with a shaking Motion towards his head, which they incline 

^ Sir Ernest Satow informs me that Japanese paper for handker- 
chiefs is to a great extent made from the barli of the paper mulberry, 
Broussonetia papyri/era, which was probably introduced from China. 
This variety of paper is known as hanshi and the handkerchiefs 
as hanakami, nose-paper. By linen handkerchiefs Mundy probably 
meant those of cotton, since flax was little grown or used in Japan in 
his time. 

^ Sir Ernest Satow also tells me that the paper cloaks described by 
Mundy are made from a large-sized paper of the same kind as the 
handkerchiefs, known as hachi-kirazu, edges uncut. 

^ See Illustration No. 32 A. 

* See Illustration No. 32 A. For kimona, see ante, pp. 263, 270. 

^ Katana, a. sword. The Japanese word for dagger is kuwai-ken. 
By " Cuttbelly " Mundy is evidently alluding to the practice of hara- 
kiri, belly-cutting, the Japanese raode of committing suicide which 
obtained for about seven centuries. 

•^ Chapter xviii. of " The Fift Booke ' of Purchas Hts Pilgrimage, 
ed. 1626, pp. 586 — "599, deals with Japan. 

' See Illustration No. 32 B. 



a little downewardi. Their usuall word is Touzzee^ 
whhic hath somewhatt a like signiffication as Bezo las 
Manos^ in Spanish, or Tabee* in Mallaya, which most 
commonly serves For good morrow, good even, how 
Doe you, you are wellcome, God bee with you, etts. 

Japan language. 

Here Follow 2 or 3 words off the Japonian language 
with some off their Numbers, viz., as I was told. 

Sagashoo gooseeka, how Doe you ? Yungosere, well 
or good. Varoogoosere, ill or bad. Goodaree, Com[e]. 
Mundalee, goe. Sakee, wyne. Mesh, Rice*. 

Numbring in the Japan tongue, viz. 

Accompt off waightt, etts. in the First File*« — all the 
rest common accompt, viz. 

*Stote ... 
States ... 
Meetes ... 
Yaates . . . 
Esotes ... 
Yates ... 
Towa . . . 

1 Eeche 

2 Nee 

3 San 

4 See 

5 goe 

6 Roke 

7 Seeche 

8 Fooche 

9 Co 
10 Joo 

Joo Fetes 11 

Joo Nee 12 

Joo San 13 

Joo see 14 

Joo goe 15 

Joo Roke 16 

Joo Seech 17 

Joo Footeschee 18 

Joo Co 19 

Nee Sooe 20 

Neesoo eeche .. 
Nee soo Neeh ,. 
San Joo Roke .. 
See Joo 

. 21 
. 22 
• 36 


goe Joo 


goe Joo Roke .. 

Seech Joo 

Fooche Joo Rok 
Feea Keh 

. 56 

e 86 
. 100 

Feeakegh san Jo 


1 See Mandelslo, p. 182 ; Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 145 ; for 
contemporary remarks on Chinese salutations. 

2 Cantonese to-tse, many thanks. 

' Beso las manos, I kiss your hands. 

* Malay tabek, salutatior, greeting. 

* Sir Ernest Satow has kindly given me the following correct 
rendering of the Japanese words supplied to Mundy by his interpreter 
in answer to his questions. I am also indebted to the same authority 
for the notes on those expressions and on the two kinds of Japanese 
numerals. Sagashoo gooseka = Ikaga gozaru ka. Yungosere = Yo 
gozaru. Varoogoosere = Waru gozaru. Goodare = Gozaru. Munda- 
lee = makare, spelt according to the transliteration most in use ; 
makaru is still used for " to go " in the province of Satsuma. Sakee = 
sake. Mundy is mistaken in describing sake as a " wyne." It is 
properly a rice-brew. Mesh = Mes/ji, (cooked) rice. 

* The first " File " of numbers is Japanese and the second " File " 
is derived from Chinese. It may be said generally that the first are 




A lettre from Nurette. 

[2^th] December 1637. On Christmas Day came a 
letter From Nurette in Cantan, certifying (as I was 
told) thatt the vice Roy was come to thatt Citty, and 
thatt we should have Free trade in the Country with 
a place to reside in, paying 20,000 tales, 4 peeces of 
Ordnance and 50 Musketts per annum 1. Butt how 
hee may bee Creditted wee know nott, having Most 
falcely Construed the greatt Choppe [chhdp, license] 
sent us, and had bin the Instrumental! Cause of all our 

The Generall of Lxaccao enraged against us : Revileth 
us in Most base termes. 

The 26th December [1637]. I was enordred by our 
Admirall [Capt. J. Weddell] and Mr [Nathaniel] Mountney 

used with Japanese native words and the second 

with words of Chinese 


The correct rendering 

of the terms given 

above is as follows : — 

Hitotsu . 

.. I Ichi 

II Ju-ichi 

21 Niju-ichi 

Futatsu . 

.. 2 Ni 

12 Ju-ni 

22 Niju-ni 

Mitsu .... 

.. 3 San 

13 Ju-san 

36 Sanju-roku 

Yotsu . 

.. 4 Shi 

14 Ju-shi 

40 Shi-ju 

Itsutsu . 

.. 5 Go 

15 Jw-go 

50 Go-ju 

Mutsu . 

.. 6 Roku 

16 J u -roku 

56 Gojii-roku 


.. 7 Shichi 

17 J u -shichi 

70 Shichi-ju 

Yatsu . 

.. 8 Hachi 

18 Ju-hachi 

86 Hachiju-roku 


3U 9 Ku 

19 Jii-ku 

100 Hiyaku 


.. 10 Ju 

20 Ni-ju 

130 Hiyaku sanju 

^ See ante, note on p. 287. Weddell (O.C. 1662), basing his state- 
ments on a false interpretation presented by Noretti, says that the 
privileges were conferred by a " Comaund from the King " and that 
if the English fulfilled the obligations required, they " should make 
Choice of anie Hand nere to Mocao. There wee might build and 
fortefie, and wee should have as free trade with Cantan as the Portu- 
galls had to buy and sell, and that should be for Custome and all other 
duties which my selfe and Mr Mounteney had engadged our selves to 
performe by writinge." 

2 The tragic end of an interpreter, most probably identical with the 
man who had thus acted with such duplicity towards the English, 
is narrated by Neuhoff, p 144 : — " Not long after [3rd February 1656] 
one of our best Interpreters, by name Paul Duretti, was most lament- 
ably murdered in his own house [at Canton]." 


to certifie the Captaine generall thatt wee intended this 
Nightt to come all off the shore, And thatt therfore 
hee would cause a publication therof to bee made in 
the Citty, Soe thatt any thatt had accompts with us 
mightt com and cleare them. In the way I mett his 
Officer comming towards us with a Message From him, 
Soe [he] wentt backe againe with Mee. Butt before I 
could gett uppe staires hee [Domingos da Camara] mett 
Mee, and before I could beegin to speake, hee Fell a 
Rayling in Most violent Manner with uncivill and Dis- 
courteous language, asking if wee knew where wee were, 
if wee Did not thincke ourselves in the King of Spaines 
Dominion, or Did know him to bee generall ; whither 
wee thoughtt our selves in London, Miscalling us by 
the Name of Picaros, Borachos, Traidores^ etts., to say. 
Rogues, Drunkards, traitors, etts. ; and that wee should 
Forthwith Depart to our Shippes, and thatt whomeso- 
ever hee Found ashoare in the Morning, hee would cause 
him to bee hangued and Confiscate all the goodes Found 
in the towne ; and soe hee left Mee withoutt suffring 
Mee to speake one word. 

The supposed cause. 

The occasion of this his soe extraordinary rage was 
supposed to bee beecause Thatt in regard hee had re- 
quested thatt No Portugalls Nor their goods (Churchmen 
excepted) should passe on our shippes For India^, And 
that our Admirall had promised him soe much, yett 
Notwithstanding that, wee had agreed to carry a greatt 
Number of passengers and muche wealths For hee 
would have had all on a vessell of their owne (that the 
King therby Mightt have his Dewties, which Now hee 

1 These are all Portuguese opprobrious epithets. 

2 See the Captain-General's Proclamation, infra. 

3 Weddell says {O.C. 1662), " The Townesmen pressed us to Carrie 
some passengers and their goods to Cutchin." 


was likely to loose), butt none Durst adventure For Feare 
of the Hollander lying in the straightts off Mallacca. 

Copy of the Proclamation which the Commander-in-Chief, 

Domingos da Camara de Nogueira [sic ? Noronha] 

caused to be published, forbidding any person 

from embarking in the English ships, 27th 

October 1637 [N.S. = 17 October O.S.] 
{Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, vol. iv.) 

Hear the order of the Commander-in-Chief : That 
no person of whatever rank he may be (with the 
exception of Churchmen) shall embark either for 
India or any place whatsoever, under penalty of 
forfeiting all the goods of which he may be possessed 
and of being arrested and taken to the city of Goa, 
which punishment shall be inflicted in whatever 
place he may reach. And only the married men 
belonging to Goa, Malacca and Cochim may embark 
in the two ships, the one proceeding to Malacca 
and the other to Goa ; and anyone acting to the 
contrary shall incur the said penalty. And no 
person shall embark without a written license from 
the said Commander-in-Chief and the Senate, even 
those who are proceeding in the said ships, seeing 
that we are expecting the enemy from Europe [the 

Given in Macau, 29th October 1637, 

Domingos da Camara. 

Agrees with the original 

Domingos Rodrigues da Figueiredo. 

Armed Men sent to thrust us outt off towne. 

The Messengers came backe and delivered the Generalls 
Minde to our principalis att our house in the phrase 
afforesaid. Att Nightt came a greatt Crew of his 
Servauntts all armed with swords, bucklers, gunnes and 
lighted Matches to thrust us outt off towne att thatt 
Instant. Butt wee told them wee had leave of the Citty 
For 2 Dales longer to cleare all. Then they Departed. 


The Councell of the Citty hasten our going Forth. 

The Councell of the Citty allsoe hastning our going 
hence, saying there were sundry Choppes \_chhdp, official 
order] New come From Cantan, wherin they were com- 
maunded to putt us Forth Immediately. Thatt nightt 
Most of us wentt aboard. 

Wee all come aboard. 

The 2yth December [1637]. Wee all came cleane 
off the shoare. It beeing Just 6 Monthes since our 
.First arrivall. 

A proteste sent ashoare. 

The 28th [December 1637]. Mr John Mountney and 
Mr Robinson went ashoare once againe, carrying a 
protest against the Generall and Citty of Nombre de 
dios en China, vullgarly called Macao ^ it beeing allsoe 
this Day 6 Monthes since they carried our Kings Maj esties 
Freindly lettre unto them. Att nightt they returned 
aboard againe. 

Driven outt off Citty and Country by Fire and Sword 
in a Manner. 

Having bin For these 6 Monthes variously Crosed in 
our Designe, our lives, shipping, goodes, etts., Molested, 
endaungered, Damnified, Our principalis with Much 
Meanes Deteyned att Cantan. Wee in the Meane 
[time] with much adoe here below gotte such a trade as 
the Portugalls themselves would allow us, For wee 
must stand to their Courtesy or have None att aU ; 
compelled by them 3 or 4 tymes to shifft habitationes ; 

^ The settlement of Macao ranked as a city from 1586 when the 
Senate's Charter was bestowed by Dom Duarte de Menezes, Viceroy 
of India, and the place was styled Cidade do Nomo de Deos do Porto 
de Macao na China. Mundy gives the city a Spanish title. 


somtymes all sent aboard and then againe permitted to 
come ashoare ; Not certaine off one Dales residence, 
all things Don in hast and Doubt. Yett Notwith- 
standing our great Desire and importunity to have 
continued this Kind off trade (as bad as it was) somwhatt 
longer, wee could not bee permitted, butt were expelled 
in all hast, in a Manner perforce, outt ofi the Citty and 
Country, even by Fire and sword as one May well say, 
the Former att Tayffoo, the latter att Macao, as [? b}^] 
the Governours Servants, etts., leaving a greatt part off 
our Coive[d]alli beehind us, and a Farre greater yett 

Of China and some particularities therof . 

However our entertainementt was here, yett will I 
adde 2 or 3 lynes in Commendation of this soe great, 
Ritche and Famous a kingdome. For as Much as I saw 
and heard, with somwhatt off their language, numbers, 
etts. particularities. 

A healthy aire. 

And First to bee noted thatt in these 6 Monthes wee 
enjoyed a very healthy tyme. No generall sicknesse 
Reigning. Few Died; the like sildom scene so along 
tyme among soe Many Men. 

Religion little respected : some have None att all. 

Of the Religion off the Chinois I cannott speake much. 
Only I mett one who told mee hee was of thatt secte thatt 

^ Cavidall, capital, in goods or money. This word is not found 
in the O.E.D., though I understand that it has been noted for the 
Supplement. It appears to have come through Portuguese cabedal, 
capital. For numerous instances of its use in the above sense, see 
Foster, English Factories, 1618 — 1634, after which date its use seems 
to have been adandoned, probably owing to the decline of Portuguese 

" For details of goods purchased at Canton and Macao and laden 
on the Dragon, Sun and Catherine, see the letter of 19th December 
1637, Appendix D. 


beeleived No other then this liffe^ ; very curious in 
adorning their Pagodes, wherin are the Images off those 
they accompte For saintes, allthough they shew No 
greatt respect to the place Nor them, For they will 
talke, eatt, Drincke, walcke and play in their pagodes 
and before their altars as in a commons house, For as 
much as I saw. 

When a Chinois Forsakes his Country or his Religion, 
then hee cutteth off his long haire (off which they are 
generally soe curious, and bestow much tyme aboutt the 
Combing and Fitting off it), and then hee beecommeth 
odious and is abhorred off his Countr}^ Men. And if it 
Chaunce it should come to bee cutt off perfforce, hee is 
to keepe himselffe close till itt bee growne out againe ; 
such estimation they have off itt as aforesaid. 

Their houses. 

By report off our people thatt were att Cantan, as 
allsoe of Many Portugalls thatt have bin there. Their 
houses generally consist off one Floore, as were all of 
theirs thatt hitherto wee have scene, or off one loft 
From the ground, very low ; and their streetes Narrow, 
some excepted^ 

Their habitt. 

The attire and habitt of the Chinois I conceave to bee 
off various Formes according to the Country and office 
thatt they are off or in, as by relation and pictures or 
Figures May bee gathered. Some off these parts, such 
as I have scene, I have Deciphered as well as I could in 
Folio 145^. The better sort of weomen, by relation off 
themselves, have their Feete straightt bound uppe From 

^ A confused reference to the secular character of the Confucian 

2 The majority of Chinese houses are still one-storeyed. See 
Doolittle, I. 42. 

" See Illustration No. 30. 


their Inffancy, soe thatt they beecome very short and 
smalle, some of them Not 4 Inches long and bad to Walke 
withall. I remember I saw one such when wee were 
among the townes and villages aboutt Tayffoo, much 
swathed and bound aboutt the Feete and lower part off 
the legge, as wee Doe For some greiffe [deformity] and 
infirmity in them, Foe soe this appeared to us, withall 
going very lamely. In Macao itt selffe few or No China 
weomen to bee scene, allthough off Men thousands who 
Dwell and inhabitt there, as Merchants, Brokers, shoppe 
keepers and handcraffts off all trades. Only, as afore- 
mentioned, Many poore Families, viz., Men, weomen and 
Children with their smalle Meanes live in little boates 
and gett their Maynetenaunce b}^ transporting to and 
Fro goods, passengers, etts., in service off the Citty. 

Great eaters, Drinckers and Gamesters. 
The Chinois [is] a great (and offten) eater, Drincker 
and gamester. Soe thatt some will play away all thatt 
they have, then their Children, then their wives, and last 
off all themselves, and worcke them selves and all out 
againe in tyme^. This by report they Doe att Jacatra 
[Batavia] and Bantam ; perhappes Not soe much used 

Poligamy allowed. 

They may keepe Many wives (as Doe the Turkes) 
according to their Meanes. Hereaboutts a great part 
offe them are pockffretten or eaten with the smalle 

Chinas excellencies. 

This Countrie May bee said to excell in these par- 
ticulers : Antiquity, largenesse, Ritchenesse, healthynesse, 
Plentiffullnesse. For Arts and manner off governmentt 
I thinck noe Kingdome in the world Comparable to it, 
Considered alltogether. 

1 See ante, note on p. 263. 


Commodities, viz., Gold, Raw silke. 

Most of the Commodities here very ritche, rare, 
good and Cheape, viz., Gold in lumpes called by the 
Portugalls Panes de Oro [loaves of gold], sold one 
waightt, ounce, etts., therof For ii tymes soe much in 
silver of Ryall off eightt, I say the Nearest hand^ 

Rawe silke excelling, att 240 Ryall off eightt per 
peeco [j)ikul] aboutt 150 //. English off 16 ounces. 

Silke wroughtt, as Damasks, sattins, grograms, 
Chambletts, Double taffaties-, very cheape. 

Silke stuffes, viz., reasonable good Damasks and 
good Double taffatyes, the Former att 5 Ryall per peece 
containing 15 yards is 3 yards For a Ryall off eightt. 
And the latter 5 Ryall. Allsoe For the peece containing 
about 30 yards is 6 yards For one Ryall off eightt, which 
is nott above gd per yard, accompting the Ryalls as they 
Cost For the taffaties, and i8d for the Damaskes, sattins 
and grograms accordingly. 

Sugar in powder, very good, smelling like roses, 
att i^d per //. Enghsh^ 

Muske : how said to bee Made. 

Muske, worth 2^ Ryall eight per ounce*. Made (by 
report) off a smalle beaste like a Catte, which they hunt, 

1 This shows that the ratio of gold to silver was i to 11. 

2 Grogram, a coarse silk or a material of mohair, wool and silk ; 
camlet, a stuff made of silk and goat's hair or wool ; taffety, a 
plain woven silk (Pers. iaftdn). 

2 Sugar, Cantonese i'ong. The " sugar in powder " was probably 
granulated sugar, shd-t'ong. 

* The price of musk in 1637 was higher than it was some 30 years 
later. In " notes of Goods vendible and purchasable in Macao," 
c. 1666 {Factory Records, Misc. xxiv. 96A) the price is given as " 30 
and 35 ryalls 8/8 per cattee." Taking the kat; at about i-^ lbs. avoirdu- 
pois, the rate would be about ij reals of eight per oz. 


Chace and beat to Death with staves. The bruised 
Fleash and congealed bloud, which in other Creatures 
stincks, putriffies and Consumes, preserves it selffe 
with thatt precious smell, is cutt outt in lumpes with 
some part off the skynne, is made uppe therin (which 
wee Call Muscoddes), and preserved in pewter vessells. 
This by reports 

Porcelane : how Made by report. 

China Porcelane or earthen ware ; the best in the 
world made uppe in the Country. I enquired the Manner 
off it. They generally say it is off a Certaine white 
stone, beaten to pouder, siffted and kneaded with water 
into a paste. Formed as they please, painted and baked 
as with us and as soone. Butt thatt they should ly lOO 
yeares undergrounde beeffore they came to perffection, 
soe thatt hee thatt beegins them Never sees their end, 
butt leaves that to his posterity after him, as some write. 
I could hear Nothing of this Nowadaies^ Good drincking 
cuppes att id and i^d, and Fruitt Dishes att z^d each ; 
the rest according to that rate. For a whole barsa^, which 
is 2 tubbes, will cost 28 or 30 Ryall eight, and they 
usually contain aboutt 600 peeces little and great. 

^ Musk (Cantonese she-Mung, musk-scent), a secretion of the navel 
of the musk-deer, Moschus moschiferus, Cant. she. " Muscodde " 
signifies musk in cods or bags. 

Mundy's account of the method of obtaining musk is quite erroneous 
and is substantially that found in Purchas His Pilgrimes, ed. 1625, 
vol. III. p. 168. For other descriptions of the musk-deer and its 
product see Linschoten, ed. Burnell, i. 127 — -128 ; Mandelslo, p. 175, 
who says, " Musk . . . from a beast which the Chineses call Xe 
\_she] ; whence comes the word Xehiang [_she-hL'ung'\ (so they call the 
Musk) which signifies Scent of Musk " ; " Semedo, p. 16 ; Du Halde, 
PP- 153 — 154> who calls the animal " hiang-tchang-tse ou Dain odori- 

* For contemporary descriptions of Chinese porcelain (Cantonese 
i'sz) see Mandelslo, p. 177 ; Neuhoff, pp. 70 — 71 ; Montanus, pp. 
711 — 712. Mundy's description is that generally current in his time 
(see Purchas His Pilgrimage, ed. 1626, p. 445). 

^ Port, braca, a fathom, i.e., a six-foot cask. 


Greene ginger^ 

Greene ginger and Conserves off severall sorts very 
good and Cheape, the Former very large and cleare, 
exceeding any off other partts, att 4d or ^d per II. 


All sorts off provisions good and Cheape, as graine, 
Flesh, Fish, Fruite. 

Off the First, wheatt, Barly, Rice, etts. 

Off the 2d, Beeves, sheepe, goates, hogges, etts., 
geese, poultry, Duckes, etts. 

Off the 3d, sword Fishes, white porpoises^, pillchards 
as wee have with us ; and off other good Fish aboundance. 

Off the latter, peares, Chestnutts, leicheeas^ and 
sundry other sorts, especiallj^ Orenges, off which here 
such variety and soe good as I thinck no place in the 
world affoards the like ; one sort called by the Portugalls 
Casca grossa beecause it hath a thicke skynne, to bee 
eaten alone, having a Dainety tast and relisheth like 

I will reiterate a little on some off these beecause off 
their straungenesse. 

Fatt hogges. 

Hogges I thincke the world affords not the like For 
Forme and Fattenesse, generally blacke, little or no 

^ Green ginger, Zingiber officinale (Cantonese keung). 

2 See ante, p. 171. * See ante, p. 162. 

* Sir David Prain conjectures that this thick-skinned orange is the 
Pummelow, the " Punapelmoose " (Tamil, pambalimusu, with variants 
in S. Indian languages) of the old travellers, or Shaddock, Grape- 
fruit, etc. {Citrus aurantium, subsp. sinensis, var. decumana, Cant. 
luk-yau or yau-'tsz), and his opinion is confirmed by Mr M. C. Jame, 
but the statement that the rind " relisheth like strawberries " seems 
exaggerated. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pommelo and Shaddock. 
Madras Manual, vol. iii., s.v. Pummelow, where the origin of that word 
is ascribed to Malay, apparently in error. 


No. 33. Fat Hogges. 

No. 34. Pretty Oranges. 

No. 35. Strange Crabbes. 

No. 36. An Invention to 
Cast Accompts. 


haire, shortt eared, legged and snowted, butt soe extreame 
Fatte thatt they resemble skynnes blowen or puffed 
uppe with winde or stuffed with Cotton, as b}' itts Figured 

Blacke Flesht poultry. 

Here, as allsoe in India, are a kind off hennes whose 
Flesh and bones are blacke, as well alive as Dead and 
Dressed, appearing as though they had bin boyled in 
blacke licor, by Many accompted More Daynety then 
the rest^ Duckes allsoe very Fatte, sold salted uppe 
and Downe. Hogges and Duckes very plenty [full], 
especially hogges which is Most of their Feeding, and 
Hogges, hennes, Duckes, etts, alive and Dead with 
skynne, haire, Feathers and all, commonly sold b}^ 

1 Cantonese, /i-c/jM, fat hog. See Illustration No. 33. 

2 The " black-skinned poultry " of India and China attracted the 
attention of several travellers besides Mundy. 

" There are many fowls [in the Philippines] like those of Castile, 
and others very large, of a breed brought from China, very well tasted, 
and which make very nice capons ; some of these fowls are black in 
feather, skin, flesh and bone, and of a good taste." De Morga, ed. 
Stanley, p. 276. 

" On trouve aussi vers Azmer [Ajmer] des Poules qui ont la peau 
toute noire ; aussi bien que les os, quoi que la chair soit tres-blanche." 
Thevenot, ed. 1727, p. 153. 

" Froggs [in Canton] when they are frigacy'd, they tast as delicate 
as the best black skin'd Chicken in India." Lockyer, p. 167. 

Ball, Things Chinese, also remarks, " Some of the Chinese fowls 
appear to have black bones, owing to a thin membrane of that colour 
surrounding the bones." 

Dark ifeshed, or partly dark fleshed, fowls with dark bones and 
skins are bred as a special breed among other domestic fowls in many 
parts of India. Their flesh is dainty to eat but not appetising in 
appearance. The "fowl" of De Morga and Mundy is the Megapode, 
Megapodius cuniingi or Megapodius lowi of the Philippines and N.W. 
Borneo. It is found in the Ladrones, whence no doubt it was taken 
to Macao. The flesh and bones of these birds are of a deep brown 
colour merging into black. They have a wide distribution in the Malay 
Archipelago from the Nicobars to Borneo, and thence to New Guinea, 
N. Australia and the Pacific Islands to Samoa. The editor once tried 
to breed the Nicobar variety in the Andamans. They are true fowls 
and the cock has a peculiar crow about midnight. For interesting 
and rare information regarding the Nicobarese variety of the megapode, 
its habits and peculiarly large egg, see C. B. Kloss, In the Andamans 
and Nicobars, pp. 68 — 70, 74, 77, 113, 121, 327, 328. 

20 — 2 


Pretty Orenges. 
A smalle kind of Orenge No bigger then the toppe 
off ones Finger, of an ovall Forme resembhng a plumme. 
When they are Ripe they beecome yellow and are much 
used to bee preserved in sugar whole. They are in Forme 
and biggnesse as per the Figured 

Strange Crabbes. 

Here are allsoe about these parts a kind off a Monstrous 
Crabbe good to eat, butt there is something in them 
thatt is venimous which must bee taken away, knowne 
to the people. The Body and head beeing all in one 
is aboutt a Foote over, resembling somwhatt the Forme 
above sett^ there beeing Divers off them broughtt 
aboard alive. 

Many other straunge Beasts, Fowle, Fishes, Fruitts, 
etts., are or may bee in this Country, butt I have sett 
Downe only those Few thatt came to My sight. 

Straunge Candles. 
I had Forgotten Candles. They are made here off 
the Fatte off a tree^ the wicke beeing off the wood off 
the same tree, wrapped aboutt with a little Cotton. 
These are For ordinary uses and burne very well. 

' The Kamquat, Kumquot, Comquot (Cantonese kam kwat, golden 
orange), Citrus aurantium sinense. See Illustration No. 34. 

The editor grew several trees at the Andamans of a " China Orange," 
very small, of a deep crimson colour, with one pip only, which made 
an excellent whole-fruit jam. 

^ See Illustration No. 35. The King-crab {Polyphemus, Cant. 
wong-yau-hdi) found in the Canton River. Osbeck (i. 182) remarks: 
" These are as big again as the Swedish crabs ; the body is almost 
transparent . . . the eyes are extremely prominent." See also Du 
Halde, i. 122. 

* The Tallow-tree, Stillingia sebifera, a native of China, Cant. 
ti-k'au (called u-k'an-muk in Macao). The vegetable tallow is known 
as ii-k'an-yau. Eitel, Cantonese Dictionary, quotes a phrase of the 
people, " K'au yau tsok lap chuk, candles are made from the fat of 
the tallow tree." See Le Comte, p. 99 ; Neuhoff, p. 263 ; Magaillans 
(who calls the tree " Kuei Xu"), p. 144; and Du Halde (who calls it 
" ou kieou mou "), i. 18 and 11. 7. 


Coynes and Waightts used att Macao in China. 

I Tay [tael, tdhil, tail] vallued att lo Massaes [mas, 

I Massa vallued att lo Cundoroneis^. 
I Cundoreene att lo Casse [cash, kdsu, kdrsha] '. 
I Casse vallued att lo Aguos*. 

This is the Devis[i]on off their waightt, as allsoe the 
Decimation off their Coined paying outt their gold 
and silver by waightt, cutting itt outt in smalle peeces^ ; 

1 See ante, notes on pp. 136, 137. Compare Montanus (p. 440) : " A 
tail being five Shillings Sterling, ten Mass are accounted to make one 
Tail." This statement is useful as it gives the following current 
valuation of Far Eastern money, c. 1666. 

I tael = 5 shillings. 

I mace = 6 pence. 

I candareen = f penny. 

I cash = -/„ penny. 

* A plural in Portuguese form of English candareen, Malay konduH, 
Dutch condorin. See Indian Antiquary, xxvi. 316 — 317, etc. 

' See ante, note on p. 192. 

* This perhaps represents abrus, which (Abrus precatorius) is a seed 
used universally as the basis of all Oriental monetary scales, owing 
to its constant weight, under innumerable names, e.g., Indian rati, 
Burmese ywe, Malay sag(7', etc. There is another seed {Adenanthera 
pavonina), similarly used for the same reason, which is double of the 
abrus in weight, whence the Indian double rati, Burmese ywegyi, 
Chinese jen, etc. This fact has produced in all times a confusion in 
the monetary scales of the East (one double of the other) which must 
always be borne in mind when investigating statements as to Oriental 
values. See Indian Antiquary, xxvi. 314 ff. ; xxvii. 33, etc. 

The whole statement provides the following scale : — 
10 aguos = I casse 

10 casse = I cundoreene 

10 cundoroneis = i massa 
10 massaes = i tay 

^ Mundy's statement shows that the tael (tay) was in his time at 
Macao worth 1000 cash, and was divided by the universal Chinese 
decimal monetary scale, for the origin of which see Indian Antiquary , 
XXVIII. 32. 

* This refers to the universal Far Eastern system of bullion cur- 
rency and trading by weight of bullion. For the use of chipped bullion 
for currency in Burma, China, Tibet, etc., see Indian Antiquary, xxvi. 
r6o ff ., and for its effect on trade, op. cit. 197 ff. The direct reference 
in the text is to the sycee silver (Cantonese sai-sz ngan, fine silk silver, 
because fine silver can be drawn out into threads) of China, which had, 
and still has a high fixed value on account of its purity or fineness. 
It was cast in silver " shoes " or " boats " of varying size and cut up 
by hammer and chisel as required. Eitel, Cantonese Did., s.v. Ngan 


only Cashe is a Copper Coyne with China Charac- 
ters ^ 
I Peeco^ contentts lOO Cattees. 

Off Cattees there are 2. sorts, viz. i [the standard] 
Cattee '\katt]^ contentts 16 Tayes or 2o| ounces 
Nearest hand, by which is wayed all Fine goods, 
silke excepted, i Cattee contentts 18 tayes is 
aboutt 23 ounces, by which are wayed all grosse 
comodities and silke. 
50 tales by Nearest computation poiz. 68 Ryall eightt 
or 64 ounces English. 

(silver), says that there were 17 kinds of silver bullion in his time, 
differentiated presumably by quality or touch. In Burma the 
qualities (touch) of silver bullion, each with a name according to the 
amount of alloy in it, were, before British rule, many more. Magaillans, 
p. 136, says: " The Pieces of Gold and Silver are not Coyn'd, but cast 
into Lingots in the form of a small Boat, which at Macao are call'd 
Paes [Port. paes\ or Loaves of Gold or Silver." 

1 Compare Magaillans, p. 136 : " The Copper Money of China is 
round, and generally about the bigness of a Portuguese Real and a half." 

It is worth noting that both Mundy and Magaillans (1637 and 1688 
respectively) state the cash of their day to be of copper and say nothing 
as to the well-known square hole in it, though the description of the 
com as of the size of " a Portuguese Real and a half " makes it im- 
possible for the value to have been about ^V of a penny (or, say, 
half a mite), and the square hole dates back to a remote period. For 
the origin of the hole see Indian Antiquary xxix. 44, and Plate iv. 
About 1590 a great depreciation in the value of the cash as a coin took 
place (they fell, amongst the Malays, to 30,000 to the tael) owing to 
a great debasement on the part of traders from Fuhkien. See Man- 
delslo, p. 146 ; Indian Antiquary, xxvii. 34 and footnote. 

The notion that Chinese cash are of copper has prevailed to our 
own time, and about 1892 Sir Thomas Wade gave the editor the 
following note : — " The Chinese have no currency except a very poor 
one of copper, of which 1000 = i oz. of silver bullion, known to 
foreigners as the tael. The small copper coin, though nominally -y^-^-^ 
of I oz., is never in circulation at that value. I have been assured 
by a President of the Board of Revenue that to make one such a copper 
coin (known in foreign trade as a cash), a coin that is really = lo'uu of 
the tael, costs three. The value of this cash is of course hopelessly vari- 
able. I have known the ounce or tael of silver worth above 2000 cash." 

This note shows, however, that the metal of which cash are made 
could not have been copper, a fact of which the old traders were well 
aware : vide Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, p. 125 : — " In China 
they have no Coin of any Sort but Cash, which are small Pieces of 
some base Metal, about the Size of a Shilling, with a Hole in the Middle 
to put a String through, I suppose for the Conveniency of carrying 
them about, they are used only by the poor People for Change, in 
buying small Necessaries." 

2 Malay pikul, about 133^ lbs. avoirdupois. ' Sec note ^ on p. 137. 


I loaffe^ of gold poiz. lo tales and worth no tales In 
Spanish plated 

I Ryall off eightt oughtt to wey by ballaunce or the Crosse 
beame 7 Massaes 3 Cundoreenes and 3 Cassaes and 
by the Dacheln or Stlllyard' 7 M, 4C, o C. 

I Ryall off eightt ought to wey In Japan plate or [so 
as to be] worth 8 Massaes, 4 Cundoreens, 3 C 
[cash] by the beame walghtt, and by the Stlllyard 
or Romaln walghtt 8 M 5 Co., there beelng 7 
Casse Difference In the 2 walghtts*. 

Difference beetweene Japan and Spanish sliver. 

Note, thatt If you are to pay 100 tales of Japan plate 
and you will give him Ryall off eightt, then every Ryall 
is accompted 8 M, 4, 3, or 8 M, 5, o, butt if you owe Ryall 
off eightt and would pay it in Japan plate. For every 
Ryall which is 7 M, 4 C, you must give 8 M, 5 C in Japan 
silver, there beelng 15 per cento Difference in ordinary 
paymentts beetweene Spanish and Japan silver, the 
Former the better, called Pla la [plata] Corriente or 
currant silver. 

A Dacheln ^ 

For their liquid and Dry Measures they are here 
as att Goa. I thincke a Dachein is a little stlllyard, 

^ " Loaf," translation of Portuguese pao for an ingot of bullion 
(Cantonese ting). 

2 Spanish Old Plate was the standard of exchange. This and the 
previous statement make the tael in Mundy's time to be worth about 
six shillings as against five shillings in the time of Montanus, some 
thirty years later. 

^ See infra for a note on these terms. 

* Mundy is here alluding to the Spanish dollar as it was understood 
in Japan, and ordinarily valued there at 7 to 7^ mace. See Kelly, 
Universal Cambist, i. 197. 

^ The term dotchin, dachein, dodgeon, dodging, etc., is a corruption 
of the Cantonese toh-ch'ing {toh, to measure + ch'ing, to weigh) and 
is the name given in S. China to the small hand -steelyard there used. 
See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Datchin. 

" Fine Goods, as Muske, silver, &c. are weigted by Duckin 
Ballance." Notes of goods vendible and purchasable in Macao c. 
1660 {Factory Records Misc. xxiv. 96a). " Datchin is their larger 
weight, with which they weigh by pekul and katty." Osbeck, i. 262. 

The difference between a crossbeam or balance and a dotchin or 


which usually China Men carry aboutt them to wey their 
Monies, there beeing great ones to way Commodities, 
off which if one will not serve to wey whatt you require, 
then they hang uppe 2 stillyards, waying one thing 
with both waightts at once. Most China Men can write 
and cast uppe accompts which they Doe [by] pen, as 
allsoe by an Invention with beades in stead of Counters, 
and Deciphered when I come to speake of their Numbers^. 

How the Chinois write. 

Here follow some China Characters or lettres, as I 
had them From the Merchant, beeing off those eightt 
thatt were taken outt off a great Juncke which wee 
fired, as formerly Mentioned'', with their pronounciation 
in China and signification in English. Our interpreter, 
Antonio the Caffer^ None of the best [of] linguists, 
and thereffore may bee conceaved Not soe punctuall 
and perffitt, butt beeing For the Most part off proper 
Names of things, the error May bee the lesse. The China 
writing beeginning From the rightt hand toward the 
lefft, and their lynes From the toppe Downeward thus : 




where they beegin with i and proceed to 2 and 3 in the 
First lyne, then to 4, 5, 6 in the second, etts., beeginning 
their bookes att the Farthest and wrong end as wee 
Conceave, or as wee use. Butt these few Following 
words goe Forward according to our Custome. They 
all write with pencills and blacke and Red Incke made 
into Dry past which they Distemper with water when 
they will use itt. 

steelyard is that the former apparatus consists of a beam made to- 
move freely on a central pivot with a scale pan at each end, while 
the latter is a balance consisting of a lever with unequal arms which 
moves on a fulcrum. 

1 See infra, pp 314 — 315 for Mundy's remarks on the abacus. 

' See ante, p. 239' ^ See ante, pp. 192, 241. 




China Characters with their Signification engUshed^ 
Enghsh words written by them^. 

How Doe you Doe. Ve-ry well. But they pro- 
nounce it vely wen. Pe-tang Mun-ty For Peter 
Mundy. Soe it seemes thatt P, L and D are hard to bee 
Found att the end off their words, especially R, sildome 
used and hard to bee pronounced by them, allthough 
it is sometymes by some thatt live among the Portugall[s] 
att Macao. 

China Characters thatt expresse their Numbers*". 

345678 is thus sett 



... I 

... 2 

Yee shoppe ... 
same shoppe... 


mZe }3-- 

Saame . . 

••• 3 

Saee shoppe ... 




... 4 

And soe till you 

shoppe 1 


.... 5 

come to 100 

ung r ^^ 

lough . . 

.... 6 

Yean paac . . . 


Cheene - 


... 7 

lough paac ... 


Lough \ . 

Paate . . 

.... 8 

Yean Che-ene 


r \J\J\J 

paac J 


.... 9 

Cau-Che-ene . . . 


Chaate 1 
Shoppe J 

Shoppe .. 


Y^^ Wonnnr. 

Shoppe yean 11 

Maane ... J 


Paate ... 8 

Shoppe yee 12 

and Soe 




^ Here follows a list of some 200 Chinese characters with their 
pronunciation, as given by " Antonio the Caffer " and their significa- 
tion in English. For the opinion of Professor Giles on these characters, 
see the Preface to this volume. 

There is one interesting term in Mundy's list for which he gives the 
Chinese characters and says, " The Chinois call all Christians falankee 
especially off Europe. I thinck From Franck or Fr[a]nguee, used 
[in] all these Easterne parts." This is our old Indian friend Frangt, 
Feringhee (Frank) for all Europeans. 

2 Here also the Chinese characters for the phrases given below 
appear in the MS. 

' The Chinese characters for these numbers are also given in the 
MS. Below is the correct rendering of Mundy's attempt to reproduce 
the pronunciation of the names of the Cantonese numerals. 

r Yat 

7 Ts'at 

20 I'-shap 

9000 Kau ts' in 

2 I' 

8 Pat 

30 Sam-shap 

looooo Yat man 

3 Sam 

9 Kau 

40 Sz'-shap 

30000 Sam man 

4 Sz' 

10 Shap 

100 Yat pak 

45000 Sz' mS.n 'ng ts'in 


II Shap-vat 

600 Luk pak 

600 Luk pak 

6 Luk 

12 Shap-i' 

1000 Yat ts' in 

70 Ts'at shap 
8 Pat 


.Soe you perceave by the abovesaid Charactars thatt 
to expresse 12, you make a ten and 2 underneath itt, 
and if you putt 2 overhead then itt signiffies 20 ; and 
soe For the rest. Moreover, to expresse 345678 is Don 
as abovesaid, which if itt bee true, as I conceave No 
lesse, then can wee with our Figures and order sett 
downe the said summe 3 or 4 tymes before they shall 
doe it once with theirs. Somwhatt I tried by experience, 
having had reckonings with China Brokers \ 

Division of their Coines in Decimalles causing a speedy 


They have one advauntage off us in the sodaine 
Casting uppe off their Coine or Monies, beecause it 
goeth all by tens as aforementioned. For in an}^ Number 
whattsoever, the last on the rightt hand is Casse, the 
next Cundoreenes, then Massaes, and all the rest Tales ; 
as For example, 345678 Casse is 345 U^ tales, 6 Massaes, 
7 Cundoreenes and 8 Casse. And if they bee soe many 
Cundoreenes or Massaes, then are the last Figures Massaes 
and Cundoreenes'. 

An Invention to Cast accompts withall in lieu off 

AUsoe they use a redier way insteed off our Counters 
with an Invention off beades on wyres on a Frame Made 

1 Mundy is exaggerating. The Chinese write their decimal nota- 
tion, which is the same as the European, from top to bottom, instead 
of from left to right. In speaking, they say, for the figures given, 
" Three hundred thousand four-ten five thousand six hundred seven- 
ten eight," whereas in English we say, " three hundred and forty- 
five thousand six hundred and seventy-eight." The Chinese characters 
would take longer to write than the European figures. 

"^ For a note on this sign, see ante, p. 140, Here it indicates that 
the tael is a piece of 1000 cash. 

' A neat bit of evidence in favour of a decimal coinage. 


after the Manner underneath ^ The First beads signifie 
unites, the 2d tens, the 3d hundreds, the 4th thousands, 
etts. The undermost are each butt one in their owne 
place. The single bead above is 5 of the same. Those 
thatt are putt close to the Middle barre are in valuation ; 
as For example the said No. off 345678 is thus expressed 
on the Frame ; and soe when they make use off itt, 
they remoove the beads to and Fro as wee doe our 

In China Few Characters or lettres butt are Mono- 

By these Few words which I have sett downe May bee 
gathered the Multitude of their lettres or Sillables. 
R, L and D sildom used, L somtymes at the begining 
or middle, rare att the end. And allthough there are 
said to bee many thousands of these Characters and soe 
various, yett a Man May much sooner and easier expresse 
his Minde with our 24 lettres. Only some are to bee 
pronounced through the Nose, For which wee have No 
proper letters. I say my opinion, our 24 lettres goe 
beeffore their thousands off Characters For brevity 
and true explayning and our Figures in Numbring in 
a Farre greater Degree'. 

Thus have I in breiffe sett downe somwhatt off this 
Country off China etts. [and its] Com^modities, Char- 
acters and Numbers, Refferring the More ample, exact 
and particular Description off this Most Ancient and 

1 See Illustration No. 36. The abacus or counting-board used 
by the Chinese (Cantonese sun-p'un). See Indian Antiquary, xxvii. 
19 and authorities on the subject given in a footnote. See also Osbeck's 
description of the " Syan-pann, or the Chinese accompting-board " 
(I. 265). 

2 Mundy means here that the Illustration (No. 36) gives an abacus 
set to show an account of 345 taels, 6 mace, 7 candareens and 
8 cash. 

' See Delia Valle's comments on Chinese characters, which he gives 
as 80,000 and says are " only for vain pomp " (ed. Grey, i. 165). 


Famous kingdome To the Relation off Divers others 
who had More tyme, better abilHty and oportunity 
to perfforme the same, as they are collected by Mr 
Samuell Purchase in his First booke off his Pilgrimage^ 
and sundry others. 

End of the 26th Relation. 

^ Mundy means Purchas His Pilgrimes. " A Treatise of China 
and the adjoyning Regions," etc. is given in "The Third Part of The 
First Booke of Peregrinations and Discoveries/' ed. 1625, pp. 166 — 
209, 252 — 281, 292 ff. The treatise " Of the Kingdom of China " 
in Purchas His Pilgrimage is in Chapter xviii. of " The fourth Booke," 
PP- 435 — 476 of ed. 1626. 

Date Due 







Library Bureau 

Cat. No. 1137 



3 5002 03107 2866 

G 161 .H2 45 

Mundy^ Peter, fl. 16O0-1667, 

The "travels of Pe-ter Hundy 
In Europe and Asia, l&0d-